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UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
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MEMORIAL 

the  class  of  1901 


founded  by 
•   HARLAN  HOYT  HORNER 

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AN    ADDRESS 


I'KI.n  KKKI'  i;i'|()iti:   IIIK 


SPWNllHELD  WASIIINIITONIAN 


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AT  THE  SECOND  PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH 


-(»X    IIIK  - 


22ID  X).A.-Y-  o:f  :F:BBI^XJ^I^Y,  1842. 


—  nv 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN,  Esq., 

I  •.n,\   I  ,.■    .  1....I  i.v  ti .    Direc'tiiiii  nf  ilic  SiKicii 


Si'RtNf:nrm\  Ti.mnoih; 
Re-PrintPd  for.  and  I'lihliHhpd  by,  the  Spi  inudrld  K^foi  in  Clnh. 


Anniversary  of  the   Springfield  Washingtonian 

Temperance  Society. 


Sangamo  Journal,  Feb.  25,  1842.— lEditoiiai.) 

This  anniversary,  the  first  of  the  kind  celebrated  in  this  county, 
passed  off  well.  A  procession  was  formed  at  11  o'clock,  at  the 
Methodist  Church,  under  direction  of  Col.  B.  S.  Clement  as  Chief 
Marshal,  and,  escorted  by  the  beautiful  company  of  Sangamo 
Guards,  under  command  of  Capt.  E.  D.  Baker,  marched  through 
some  of  the  principal  streets  of  the  city,  and  reached  the  Second 
Presbyterian  Church  at  12  o'clock.  The  address,  delivered  by  Mr. 
Lincoln,  in  our  opinion,  was  excellent.  The  Society  directed  it  to 
be  printed.  The  singing  delighted  the  immense  crowd.  Several 
pieces  were  a  second  time  called  for  and  repeated.  Indeed,  the 
whole  was  a  most  happy  affair.     The  weather  was  delightful. 


ADDRESS, 


Although  the  Temperance  Cause  has  been  in  progress  for  near  t\Yenty 
years,  it  is  apparent  to  all,  that  it  is  just  now  being  crowned  with  a  degree 
of  success,  hitherto  unparalleled. 

The  list  of  its  friends  is  daily  swelled  by  the  additions  of  fifties,  of  hun- 
dreds, and  of  thousands.  The  cause  itself  seems  suddenly  transformed 
from  a  cold  abstract  theory,  to  a  living,  breathing,  active  and  powerful 
chieftain,  going  forth  "conquering  and  to  conquer."  The  citadels  of  his 
great  adversary  are  daily  being  stormed  and  dismantled;  his  temples  and  his 
altars,  where  the  rites  of  his  idolatrous  worship  have  long  been  performed, 
and  where  human  sacrifices  have  long  been  wont  to  be  made,  are  daily  dese- 
crated and  deserted.  The  trump  of  the  conquerer's  fame  is  sounding  from 
hiirto  hill,  from  sea  to  sea,  and  from  land  to  land,  and  calling  millions  to 
his  standard  at  a  blast. 

For  this  new  and  splendid  success,  we  heartily  rejoice.  That,  that  success 
is  so  much  greater  now,  than  heretofore,  is  doubtless  owing  to  rational 
causes;  and  if  we  would  have  it  continue,  we  shall  do  well  to  inquire  what 
those  causes  are. 

The  warfare  heretofore  waged  against  the  demon  intemperance,  has, 
somehow  or  other,  been  erroneous.  Either  the  champions  engaged,  or  the 
tactics  they  adopted,  have  not  been  the  most  proper.  These  champions  for 
the  most  part,  have  been  preachers,  lawyers  and  hired  agents,  between  these 
and  the  mass  of  mankind,  there  is  a  want  of  approacTiaMUty ,  if  the  term  be 
admissable,  partially  at  least,  fatal  to  their  success.  They  are  supposed  to 
have  no  sympathy  of  feeling  or  interest,  with  those  very  persons  whom  it  is 
their  object  to  convince  and  persuade. 

And  again,  it  is  so  easy  and  so  common  to  ascribe  motives  to  men  of  these 
classes,  other  than  those  they  profess  to  act  upon.  The  preacher  it  is  said, 
advocates  temperance  because  he  is  a  fanatic,  and  desires  a  union  of  the 
church  and  State;  the  1-awyer  from  his  pride,  and  vanity  of  hearing  himself 
speak;  and  the  hired  agent  for  his  salary. 

But  when  one,  who  has  long  been  known  as  a  victim  of  intemperance, 
bursts  the  fetters  that  have  bound  him,  and  appears  before  his  neighbors 
"clothed  and  in  his  right  mind,"  a  redeemed  specimen  of  long  lost  human- 
ity, and  stands  up  with  tears  of  joy  trembling  in  eyes,  to  tell  of  the  miseries 
once  endured,  now  to  be  endured  no  more  forever;  of  his  once  naked  and 
starving  children,  now  clad  and  fed  comfortably;  of  a  wife,  long  weighed 


down  with  woe,  weeping  and  a  broken  heart,  now  restored  to  health,  happi- 
ness and  a  renewed  atlection;  and  how  easily  it  is  all  done,  once  it  is  re- 
solved to  be  done;  how  sinii)k'  his  language,  there  is  a  logic  and  an  eloquence 
in  it,  that  few,  with  human  feelings  can  resist.  They  cannot  say  that  he  de- 
sires a  union  of  church  and  State,  for  he  is  not  a  church  member;  they  con- 
not  say  he  is  vain  of  hearing  himself  sjieak,  for  his  whole  demeanor  shows 
he  would  glad!}'  avoid  speaking  at  all;  they  cannot  say  he  speaks  for  pay  for 
he  receives  none,  aud  asks  for  none.  Nor  can  his  sincerity  in  any  way  be 
doubted;  or  his  sympathy  for  thost  he  would  i)ersuade  to  imitate  his  exam- 
ple, be  denied. 

In  my  judgment,  it  is  to  the  battles  of  this  new  class  of  champions  that 
our  late  success  is  greatly,  perhaps  chiefly,  owing.  But,  had  the  old-school 
champions  tkemselves,  been  of  the  most  wise  selecting,  "was  their  system  of 
tactics  the  most  judicious?  It  seems  to  me  it  was  not.  Too  much  denun- 
ciation against  dram-sellers  and  dram-drinkers  was  indulged  in.  This  I  think 
was  both  impolitic  and  unjust.  It  was  impolitic,  because  it  is  not  much  in 
the  nature  of  man  to  be  driven  to  anything;  still  less  to  be  driven  about 
that,  which  is  exclusively  his  own  business;  and  least  of  all,  where  such 
driving  is  to  be  submitted  to,  at  the  expense  of  pecuniary  interest,  or  burn- 
ing appetite.  When  the  dram-seller  and  drinker,  vvere  incessantly  told,  not 
in  the  accents  of  entreaty  and  persuasion,  diflidently  addressed  by  erring 
man  to  an  erring  brother;  but  in  the  thundering  tones  of  anathema  and  de- 
nunciation, with  which  the  lordly  judge  often  groups  together  all  the  crimes 
of  the  felon's  life,  and  thrusts  tbem  in  his  face  just  e're  he  passes  sentence  of 
death  upon  him,  that  they  were  the  authors  of  all  the  vice  and  misery  and 
crime  in  the  land;  that  they  were  the  manufacturers  and  material  of  all  the 
thieves  and  robbers  and  murderers  that  infest  the  earth;  that  their  houses 
were  the  workships  of  the  devil;  and  that  their  persons  should  be  shunned 
by  all  the  good  and  vittuous,  as  moral  pestilences.  I  say,  when  they  were 
told  all  this,  and  in  this  way,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  they  were  slow,  very 
slow,  to  acknowledge  the  truth  of  such  denunciations,  and  to  join  the  ranks 
of  their  denouncers,  in  a  hue  and  cry  against  themselves. 

To  have  expected  them  to  do  otherwise  than  ihey  did — to  have  expected 
them  not  to  meet  denunciation  with  denunciation,  crimination  with  crimina- 
tion, and  anathema  with  anathema — was  to  expect  a  reversal  of  human  na- 
ture, which  is  God's  decree  and  can  never  be  reversed. 

When  the  conduct  of  men  is  designed  to  be  influenced,  persuasion,  kind 
unassuming  persuasion,  should  ever  be  adopted.  It  is  an  old  and  a  true 
maxim,  "that  a  drop  of  honey  catches  more  flies  than  a  gallon  of  gall."  So 
with  men.  If  you  would  win  a  man  to  your  cause,  first  convince  him  that  you 
are  his  sincere  friend.  Therein  is  a  drop  of  honey  that  catches  his  heart, 
which,  say  what  he  will,  is  the  great  high  road  to  his  reason,  and  which,  when 
once  gained,  you  will  find  but  little  trouble  in  convincing  his  judgment  of  the 
justice  of  your  cause,  if  indeed  that  cause  really  be  a  just  one.  On  the  con- 
trary, assume  to  dictate  to  his  judgment,  or  to  command  his  action,  or  to 
maik  him  as  one  to  be  shunned  and  despised,  and  he  will  retreat  witnin  him- 
self, close  all  the  avenues  to  his  head  and  his  heart;  and  though  your  cause 
be  naked  truth  itself,  ^j-ausformed  to  the  heaviest  lance,  harder  than  steel, 
aud  sharper  than  steel  can  be  made,  aud  though  you  throw  it  with  more  than 


3 


herculean  force  and  precision,  you  shull  be  no  more  able  to  pierce  him,  than 
to  penetrate  the  hard  shell  of  a  tortoise  with  a  rye-straw.  Such  is  man,  and 
so  must  he  be  understood  by  those  who  would  lead  him,  even  to  his  own  best 
interests. 

On  this  point,  the  ^V'^ashiniI;tonians  greatly  ext;el  the  temperance  advocates 
of  former  times.  Those  whom  they  desire  to  convince  and  persuade  are 
their  old  friends  and  companions.  They  know  they  are  not  demons,  nor 
even  the  worst  of  men;  they  know  that  generally  they  are  kind,  generous 
and  charitable,  even  beyond  the  example  of  their  more  staid  and  sober 
neighbors.  They  are  practical  i)hilanthropists;  and  they  glow  with  a  gener- 
ous and  brotherly  zeal,  that  mere  theorizers  are  incai)ableof  feeling.  Benev- 
olence and  charity  possess  their  hearts  entirely;  and  out  of  the  abundance 
of  their  hearts,  their  tongues  give  utterance,  "Love  through  all  their  actions 
run,  and  all  their  words  are  mild;"  in  this  spirit  they  speak  and  act,  and  in 
the  sama,  they  are  heard  and  regarded.  And  when  such  is  thetemper  of  the 
advocate,  and  such  of  the  audience,  no  good  cause  can  be  unsuccessful.  But 
I  have  said  that  denunciations  against  dram-sellers  and  dram-drinkers,  are 
unjust,  as  well  as  impolitic.     Let  us  see. 

1  have  not  enquired  at  what  period  of  time,  the  use  of  intoxicating  liquors 
commenced;  nor  is  it  important  to  know.  It  is  sufficient  that  to  all  ol  us 
who  now  inhabit  the  world,  the  practice  of  drinking  them,  is  just  as  old  as 
the  world  itself — that  is,  we  have  seen  the  one,  just  as  long  as  we  have  seen 
the  other.  Wheaall  such  of  us  at  have  now  reached  the  years  of  maturity, 
first  opened  our  eyes  upon  the  stage  of  existence,  we  found  intoxicating 
liquor;  recognized  by  everybody,  used  by  everybody,  repudiated  by  nobody. 
It  commonly  entered  into  the  first  draught  of  the  infant,  and  the  last  draught 
of  the  dying  man.  From  the  sideboard  of  the  parson,  down  to  the  ragged 
pocket  of  the  houseless  loafer,  it  was  constantly  found.  Physicians  pre- 
scribed it,  in  this,  that  and  the  other  disease;  Government  i)rovided  it  for 
soldioi-s  and  sailors;  and  to  have  a  rolling  or  raising,  a  husking  or  "hoc- 
down"  anywhere  about,  without  it,  was  positidely  wis uffer able.  80  too,  it  was 
everywhere  a  respectable  article  of  manufacture  and  of  merchandise.  The 
making  of  it  was  regarded  as  an  honorable  livelihood,  and  he  could  make 
most,  was  the  most  enterprising  and  respectable.  Large  and  small  miinufac- 
tories  of  it  were  everywhere  erected,  in  which  all  the  earthly  goods  of  their 
owners  were  invested.  Wagons  drew  it  from  town  to  [town;  boats  bore  it 
from  clime  to  clime,  and  the  winds  wafted  it  from  nation  to  nation;  and 
merchants  bought  and  sold  it,  by  wholesale  and  retail,  with  precisely  the 
same  feelings  on  the  part  of  the  seller,  buyer  and  by-stander,  as  are  felt  at 
the  selling  and  buying  of  plows,  beef,  bacon,  or  any  other  of  the  real  neces- 
saries of  life.  Universal  public  opinion  not  only  tolerated,  but  recognized 
and  adopted  its  use. 

It  is  true,  that  even  then,  it  wus  known  and  ncknowledged,  that  many 
were  greatly  injured  by  it;  but  none  seemed  to  think  the  injury  arose  from 
the  use  of  a  bad  thing,  but  from  the  abuse  of  a  very  good  thing.  The  vic- 
tims of  it  were  to  be  i^itied,  and  compassionated,  just  as  are  the  heirs  of  con- 
sumption, and  other  liereditary  diseases.  Their  failing  was  treated  as  a  mis- 
fortune, and  not  as  a  crime,  or  rvcn  as  a  disgrace. 


If  then,  what  I  have  been  saying  is  true,  is  it  wonderful,  that  some  should 
think  and  act  now,  as  all  thought  and  acted  twenty  years  ago,  and  is  it  just 
to  assail,  condemn,  or  despise  1  hem  for  doing  so?  The  universal  sense  of 
mankind,  on  any  subject,  is  an  argument,  or  at  least  an  influence  not  easily 
overcome.  The  success  of  the  argument  in  favor  of  the  existence  of  an 
over-ruling  Providence,  aiainly  depends  upon  that  sense;  and  men  ought 
not,  in  justice,  to  be  denounced  for  yielding  to  it  in  any  case,  or  giving  it 
up  slowly,  especially  when  they  are  backed  by  interest,  fixed  habits,  oV  burn- 
ing appetites. 

Another  error,  as  it  seems  to  me,  into  which  the  old  reformers  fell,  was 
the  position  that  all  habitual  drunkards  were  utterly  incorrigible,  and  there- 
fore, must  be  turned  adrift,  and  damned  without  remedy,  in  order  that  the 
grace  of  temperance  might  abound,  to  the  temperate  then,  and  to  all  man- 
kind some  hundreds  ef  years  thereafter.  There  is  in  this,  something  so  re- 
pugnant to  humanity,  so  uncharitable,  so  cold  blooded  and  feelingless,  that 
it  never  did,  nor  never  can  enlist  the  enthusiasm  of  a  popular  cause.  We 
could  not  love  the  man  who  taught  it — we  could  not  hear  him  with  patience. 
The  heart  could  not  throw  open  its  portals  to  it,  the  generous  man  could  not 
adopt  it,  it  could  not  mix  with  his  blood.  It  looked  so  fiendishly  selfish,  so 
like  tlirowing  fathers  and  brothers  overboard,  to  lighten  the  boat  for  our  se 
curity — that  the  noble-minded  shrank  from  the  manifest  meanness  of  the 
thing.  And  besides  this,  the  benefits  of  a  reformation  to  be  eflected  by  such 
a  system,  were  too  remote  in  point  of  time,  to  warmly  engage  many  in  its 
behalf.  Few  can  be  induced  to  labor  exclusively  for  posterity;  and  none 
will  do  it  enthusiastically.  Posterity  has  done  nothing  for  us;  and  theorize 
on  it  as  we  may,  practically  we  shall  do  very  little  for  it, ^unless  we  are  made 
to  think,  we  are,  at  the  same  time,  doing  something  for  ourselves. 

What  an  ignorance  of  human  nature  does  it  exhibit,  to  ask  or  expect  a 
whole  community  to  rise  up  and  labor  for  the  temporal  happiness  of  others, 
after  themselves  shall  be  consigned  to  the  dust,  a  majority  of  which  com- 
munity take  no  pains  whatever  to  secure  their  own  eternal  welfare  at  no 
greater  distant  dayV  Great  distance  in  either  lime  of  space  has  wonderful 
power  to  lull  and  render  quiescent  the  human  mind.  Pleasures  to  be  enjoy- 
ed, or  pains  to  be  endured,  after  we  shall  be  dead  and  gone,  are  but  little 
regarded,  even  in  our  own  cases,  and  much  less  in  the  cases  of  others. 

IStill  in  addition  to  this,  there  is  something  so  ludicrous,  in  promises  of 
good,  or  threats  of  evil,  a  great  way  off,  as  to  render  the  whole  subject  with 
which  they  are  connected,  easily  turned  into  ridicule.  "Better  lay  down 
that  spade  you're  stealing,  Paddy — if  you  don't,  you'll  pay  for  it  at  the  daj^ 
of  judgment."  "Be  the  powers,  if  ye'll  credit  me  so  long  I'll  take  another 
jist." 

By  the  Washingtonians  this  system  of  consigning  the  habitual  drunkard 
to  hopeless  ruin,  is  repudiated.  They  adopt  a  more  enlarged  philanthropy, 
they  go  for  present  as  well  as  future  good.  They  labor  for  all  now  living, 
as  well  as  hereafter  to  live.  They  teach  hope  to  all — despair  to  none.  As 
applying  to  their  cause,  they  deny  the  doctrine  of  unpardonable  sin,  as  in 
Christianity  it  is  taught,  so  in  this  they  teach— 

"While  the  lamp  holds  out  to  burn, 
The  vilest  sinner  may  return." 

And,  what  is  a  matter  of  the  most  profound  congratulation,  they,  by  exper- 
iment upon  experiment,  and  example  upon  example,  prove  the  maxim  to  be 
no  less  true  in  the  one  ca^e  than  in  the  other.  On  every  hand  we  behold 
those,  who  but  yesterday,  were  the  chief  of  sinners,  now  the  chief  apostles 
of  the  cause.  Drunken  devils  are  cast  out  by  ones,  by  sevens,  by  legions; 
and  their  unfortunate  victims,  like  the  poor  possessed,  who  was  redeemed 
from  his  long  and  lonely  wanderings  in  the  tombs,  are  publishing  to  the  ends 
of  the  earth  how  great  things  have  been  done  for  them. 

To  these  new  champions,  and  this  new  system  of  tactics,  our  late  success 
is  mainly  owing;  and  to  them  we  must  mainly  look  for  the  final  consumma- 
tion. The  ball  is  now  rolling  gloriously  on,  and  none  are  so  able  as  they 
to  increase  its  speed,  and  its  bulk — to  add  to  its  momentum,  and  its  magni- 
tude— even  though  unlearned  in  letters,  for  this  task  none  are  so  well  educa- 
tod.  To  fit  them  for  this  work  they  have  been  taught  in  the  true  school. 
They  have  been  in  that  gulf,  from  which  they  would  teach  others  the  means 
of  escapes.  They  have  passed  that  prison  wall,  which  others  have  long  de- 
clared impassable;  and  who  that  has  not,  shall  dare  to  weigh  opinions  with 
them  as  to  the  mode  of  passing? 


But  if  it  be  true,  as  1  have  insisted,  tiiat  those  who  hiive  sulVered  bj-  intoni- 
perance  personally,  and  have  reformed,  are  the  most  powerful  and  elllcieut 
insliuments  to  push  the  reformation  to  ultimate  suecess,  it  does  not  follow, 
that  those  who  have  not  sullered,  hfive  no  part  left  them  to  perform,  ^^'h^tlu'r 
or  not  the  world  would  be  vustly  benefitted  by  a  total  and  final  banishment 
from  it,  of  all  intoxicating  drinks,  seems  to  me  not  now  an  open  question. 
Three-fourths  of  mankind  confess  the  attirmative  with  their  tongues,  and,  I 
believe,  all  the  rest  acknowledge  it  in  their  hearts. 

Ought  any,  then,  to  refuse  their  aid  in  doing  what  good  the  good  of  the 
whole  demands?  Shall  he,  who  cannot  do  much,  be,  for  that  reason  excused 
if  he  do  nothing?  "But,"  says  one,  "what  good  can  1  do  by  signing  the 
pledge?  I  never  drink,  even  without  signing."  This  ([ucstion  has  already 
Oeen  asked  and  answered  more  than  a  million  of  times.  Let  it  be  answered 
once  more.  For  the  man  to  suildenly,  or  in  any  other  way,  to  lircak  ofT  from 
the  use  of  drams,  who  has  indulged  in  them  for  a  long  course  of  years,  and 
until  his  appetiie  for  them  has  grown  ten  t)r  a  hundred  fold  stronger,  and 
more  craving,  than  any  natural  appetite  can  be,  requires  a  most  i)owerful 
moral  eilort.  In  such  an  umiertaking  lie  needs  every  moral  support  ami  in- 
liuence,  that  can  possil)ly  be  brought  to  his  aid,  and  thrown  around  him 
And  not  only  so,  but  every  moral  juop  should  be  taken  from  whatever  ar- 
gument might  rise  in  his  mind  to  lure  him  to  his  backsliding.  When  he  casts 
hi.-  ej-es  around  him,  he  should  be  able  to  see,  all  that  he  respects,  all  tliat 
he  admires,  all  that  he  loves,  kindly  and  anxiously  pointing  him  onward, 
and  none  beckoning  him  back,  to  his  former  miserable  "wallowing  in  the 


mire." 


But  it  is  said  by  some  that  men  will  think  and  act  for  themselves;  that 
none  will  disuse  spirits  or  anything  else  because  his  neighbors  do;  and 
that  mural  inlluence  is  not  that  powerful  engine  contended  for.  Let  us  ex- 
amine this.  Let  me  ask  the  man  who  could  maintain  this  position  most 
stiffly,  what  compensation  he  will  accept  to  go  to  church  some  Sunday  and 
sit  during  the  sermon  with  his  wife's  bonnet  upon  his  head?  Not  a  trifle, 
I'll  venture.  And  why  not?  There  would  be  nothing  irreligiou.'-  in  it; 
noticing  immoral,  nothing  uncomfortable — then  why  not?  Is  it  not  because 
there  would  be  something  egregiously  unfashionable  in  it  ?  Then  it  is  the 
intluence  of  fashion;  and  what  is  the  inlluence  of  fashion,  but  the  intiueuce 
that  other  jieople's  actions  have  on  our  own  actions — the  strong  inclination 
each  of  us  feels  to  do  as  we  see  all  our  neighbors  do?  Nor  is  the  intluence 
of  fashion  continedto  any  particular  thing  or  class  of  things.  It  is  just  as 
strong  on  one  subject  as  another.  I^et  us  make  it  as  unfashionable  to  with- 
hold our  names  from  the  temperance  pledge,  as  for  husbands  to  A\ear  their 
wives'  bonnets  to  church,  and  instances  will  be  just  as  rare  in  the  one  case 
as  the  other. 

"But"  say  some  "we  are  no  drunkards  and  we  sliall  not  acknowledge  our- 
selves such,  by  joining  a  reformed  drunkard's  society,  whatever  our 
influence  might  be."    Surely  no  christian  will  adhere  to  this  objection. 

if  they  believe  as  they  profess,  that  Omnii)otence  condescended  to  take 
on  himself  the  form  of  sinful  man,  and,  as  such,  to  die  an  ignominious 
death  for  their  sakes  ;  surely  they  will  not  refuse  submission  to  the  inlin- 
itely  lesser  condescension,  for  the  temporal,  and  jjcrhaps  eternal  salvation, 
of  a  large,  erring,  and  unfortunate  class  of  their  fellow  creatures.  Nor  is 
the  condescension  veiy  great.  In  my  judgment  such  of  us  as  have  never 
fallen  victims,  have  been  spared  more  from  the  absence  of  appetite,  than 
from  any  mental  or  moral  superiority  over  those  wlio  have.  Indeed,  I  be- 
lieve, if  we  take  habitual  drunkards  as  a  class,  their  heads  and  their  hearts 
will  bear  an  a(,lvantageous  comjiarison  with  those  of  any  other  class.  '  There 
seems  ever  to  have  been  a  pronenoss  in  the  brilliant,  and  warm-blooded,  to 
fall  into  this  vice — the  demon  of  intemjjerance  ever  seems  to  have  delighted 
in  sucking  the  blood  of  genius  and  of  genero>'ity.  What  one  of  us  but  can  call 
to  mind  some  relative,  more  promising  in  youth  than  all  his  fellows,  who 
has  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  his  rai)acil yV  He  ever  st^ems  to  have  gone  fortli  like 
the  Egyptian  angel  of  death,  commissioned  to  slay,  if  not  the  first,  the 
fairest  born  of  every  family.  Shall  he  now  be  arrested  in  his  desolating 
career?  In  that  arrest,  all  can  give  aid  that  will  ;  and  who  sliall  be  excused 
that  can,  and  will  not?  Far  around  as  human  brealli  has  ever  blown,  he 
keeps  our  fathers,  our  brothers,  our  sons,  and  our  fiiends  prostrate  in  the 
cliains  of  moral  death.  To  all  the  living  everywhere,  we  cry,  "Come  sound 
the  moral  trump,  that  these  may  rise  and  stand  up  an  exceeding  great 
army." — "Come  from  the  four  winds,  O  breath  !  and  breathe  upon  these  slain 


that  Ihfy  may  live."  If  the  relative  gruDdeur  of  revolutions  shall  be 
estimated  by  the  great  amount  of  human  misery  they  alleviate,  and  the 
small  amount  they  inflict,  then,  indeed,  will  this  be  the  grandest  the  world 
shall  ever  have  seen. 

Of  our  political  revolution  of  76  we  are  all  justly  proud.  It  has  given  us 
a  degree  of  political  freedom  fur  exc<  ediiig  that  of  any  other  nations  of  the 
earth.  In  it  the  world  has  found  a  solution  of  the  long  mooted  problem,  as 
to  the  capability  of  man  to  govern  himself.  In  it  was  the  germ  which  has 
vegitated,  and  still  is  to  grow  and  exjiand  into  the  universal  liberty  of 
mankind. 

But,  with  all  these  glorious  results,  past,  present,  and  to  come,  it  had  its 
evils  too.  It  breathed  forth  famine,  swam  in  blood,  and  rode  in  fire ; 
and  long,  long  Mfler,  the  orphans'  cry  :ind  tbe  widows'  wail,  continued  to 
break  the  sad  silence  that  ensued.  These  Mere  the  price,  the  inevitable 
price,  paid  for  the  blessings  it  bought. 

Turn  now,  to  the  temperance  revolution.  In  it  we  shall  find  a  stronger 
bondage  broken,  a  viler  slavery  manumitted,  a  greater  tyrant  deposed —  n 
it,  more  of  want  supplied,  ntore  diseas*'  healed,  more  sorrow  assuaged.  By 
it,  no  orphans  starving,  no  widows  weeping.  By  it,  none  wounded  in  feel- 
ing, none  injured  in  interest ;  even  the  dram-maker  and  dram-seller  will 
have  glided  into  other  occupations  so  g-adually,  as  never  to  have  felt  the 
change,  and  will  stand  ready  to  join  all  others  in  the  universal  song  of 
gladne«=s.  And  what  a  noble  ally  this,  to  the  cause  of  political  freedom, 
with  such  an  aid,  its  march  cannot  fail  to  be  on  and  (  n,  till  every  son  of 
earth  shall  drink  in  rich  fruition  the  sorrow-quenching  draughts  of  perfect 
liberty.  Happy  day,  when  all  appetites  controlled,  all  poisons  subdued,  all 
matter  subjected;  mind  all  conquering  mind  shall  live  and  move,  the  mon- 
arch of  the  world.  Glorious  consunnmit  ion  !  Hail  fall  of  fury!  Reign 
.reason,  all  hail  ! 

And  when!  the  victory  shall  be  complete — when  there  shall  be  neither  a 
slave  nor  a  drunkard  on  the  earth — how  proud  the  title  of  that  Land,  which 
may  trulv  claim  to  be  the  birthplace  and  the  cradle  of  noth  those  revolu- 
tions, that  shall  h:;ve  ended  in  that  victory.  How  nob!}'  distinguished  that 
people,  who  shall  have  planted,  and  nurtured  to  maturity,  both  the  political 
and  moral  freedom  of  their  species. 

This  is  the  one  hundred  and  tenth  anniversary  of  the  birthday  of  Wash- 
ington— we  are  met  to  celebrate  this  day.  Washington  is  the  mightiest 
name  of  earth — long  since  miuhtiest  in  tlip  cause  of  civil  liberty,  still 
mightiest  in  moral  reformation.  On  that  name  a  eulogy  is  expected.  It 
cannot  be.  To  add  brightness  to  the  sun,  or  glory  to  the  name  of  Wash- 
ington is  alike  impossible.  Let  none  at;empt  it.  In  solemn  awe  pronounce 
the  name,   and  in  its  naked  deathless  splendor  leave  it  shining  on. 


J 


This  address  was  first  printed  by  order  of  the  Wash- 
ingtonian  Society,  m  the  "  Saiigamo  Journal,"  March 
26, 1842,  and  is  re-printed  through  the  kindness  of  the 
Springfield  Journal  Company,  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Springfield  Keform  Club,  and  is  on  sale  by  tliem  at  10c. 
a  copy,  $1.00  per  dozen,  or  $5.(X)  per  hundred,  prepaid, 
by  mail  or  express,  in  quantities  to  suit.    Address 

^HN  F     ~  UNN  ^^^^  ^'  ^^'^^'  Sec'y. 


5 
OBSEQUIES 


OF 


ABEAHAM  LINCOLN, 


IN 


Newark,  N.  J.,  April  19,  1865. 


ORATION 


BY 


FREDERICK  T.  FRELINGHUYSEN,  ESQ. 


NEWARK,    N.    J.: 

PRINTED  AT  THE  DAILY  ADVERTISER  OFFICE. 

18C5. 


6 


Newakk,  N.  J,,  April  22d,  1865. 
IIoN.  F.  T.  Fkelinguuysen— 

Deau  Sir  : 

In  pursuance  of  a  resolution  adopted  by  the 

citizens  of  Newark,  assembled  on  the  19th  instant  to  commemorate  the  obsequies  of  the 
late  President  of  the  United  States,  we  respectfully  ask  that  you  will  furnish  for  publica- 
tion a  copy  of  the  eloquent  and  appropriate  address  delivered  by  you  on  that  occasion. 
We  trust  that  you  will  kindly  comply  with  this  request,  in  order  that  the  procccdiDgs  of 
an  occasion  so  marked  and  solemn  may  be  put  in  form  for  preservation. 
In  behalf  of  th«  Committee  of  Arrangements,  wc  arc 

Very  truly  yours, 

MARCUS  L.  WARD,  Chairman. 
A.  Q.  KEASBEY,  Secretanj. 


Newark,  April  24th,  1S65. 
Gentlemen  : 

In  compliance  with  the  request  of  our  fellow-citizens,  so  kindly  commuui- 
cated  by  yon,  I  transmit  for  publication  my  hastily  prepared  address  on  the  occasion  of  the 
funeral  obsequies  Of  our  lamented  President. 

Yours  truly, 

FRED'K  T.  FRELINCnUYSEN. 
To  Messrs.  :Marcu8  L.  Ward,  Chairman,  and  A.  Q.  Keasbey,  Sec'y. 


( 


rRELIMIMRY  AIUIANG EMliNTS. 


-♦•♦- 


On  Monday,  K\)v\\  17,  a  public  meeting  was  held  at  Library  Hall,  to 
make  arrangcnicnts  for  obsequies  in  commemoration  of  Abkaiiam 
Lincoln,  late  President  of  the  United  States,  whose  death  by  the  hand 
of  an  assassin  took  2)lace  on  Saturday,  April  15.  William  A.  Wiiite- 
iiEAi),  Esq.,  was  appointed  Chairman  of  the  meeting,  and  John  Y. 
Foster,  Esq.,  Secretary. 

The  following  gentlemen  were  appointed  a  committee  with  full  power 
to  make  arrangements  for  suitable  ceremonies  : 

Marcus  L.  "Ward,  Albert  Beach, 
Silas  Merchant,                       ,       James  L.  Hays, 

Daniel  Haines,  Daniel  Lauck, 

Orson  Wilson,  A.  Q.  Keasbey, 

B.  Prieth,  Francis  Mackin, 
George  A.  Halsey,  William  A.  Whitehead, 
Moses  Big:plow,  William  E.  Sturges, 
John  H.  Kase,  Francis  Brill, 
Theodore  Runyoi^,  John  Y.  Foster, 
Thomas  T.  Kinney,  John  C.  Littell, 

Dr.  F.  L[iL,  Thomas  R.  Williams, 

CHRiSTornER  Wiedenmeyer,  James  M.  Smith, 

Dr.  J.  A.  Cross,  David  Anderson, 

Wm.  B.  Guild,  Jr.,  James  Ro^ve. 

The  following  gentlemen  were  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare 
resolutions  to  be  read  at  the  celeljration : 

Rev.  E.  M.  Levy,  *  Dr.  S.  H.  Pennington, 

C.  L.  C.  Gifford,  a.  Q.  Keasbey, 

Rev.  George  H.  Doane. 

The  Committee  of  Arrangements  announced  on  the  following  day 
that  they  had  determined  upon  a  funeral  procession,  and  an  oration,  to 
take  place  on  Wednesday,  April  10,  shnultancously  with  the  funeral 
services  at  Washington,  and  requested  the  city  authorities,  the  various 
public  bodies  and  associations,  and  the  citizens  generally,  to  j^articijiatc, 


6 

Federal  salute  to  be  fired  at  sunrise,  and  all  business  to  be  suspended 
throughout  the  city. 

On  "Wednesday,  Ai)ril  19,  the  day  devoted  to  the  celebration  of  the 
obsequies  in  pursuance  of  the  foregoing  arrangements,  the  whole  city 
was  literally  in  mourning.  Business  was  every^'here  suspended,  and  a 
deep  solemnity  and  stillness  rested  upon  the  crowded  streets.  The 
tokens  of  sorrow  were  univei*sally  displayed  upon  public  and  private 
buildings. 

Upon  the  tolling  of  the  bells,  at  noon,  the  i)eople  assembled  in  their 
various  churches,  in  accordance  with  the  Governor's  proclamation,  where 
religious  services  suitable  to  the  solemn  occasion  were  held  and  appro- 
priate addresses  made. 

At  2  P.  M.,  the  procession  moved  from  the  corner  of  Broad  and  Market 
streets,  through  Market  to  Washington,  down  "Wasliiugton  to  Broad,  up 
Broad  to  Washington  Place,  through  Wasliington  Place  to  Washington 
street,  uj)  Washington  street  to  Broad,  down  Broad  to  Centre  street,  and 
thence  to  ]SIilitarj'  Park. 

The  following  was  the  order  of  the  procession : 

Detachment  of  Police. 
Major  William  W.  Morris,  Grand  Marshal  and  Aids. 
Military  Escort. 
First  National  Guard  and  Rifle  Corps. 
Officers  of  the  Army  and  Na\y. 
Invalid  Soldiers. 
Officers  and  Soldiers  of  the  Army  out  of  service. 
Band. 
Pall  Bearers.  •  PaU  Bearers. 

Marcus  L.  Ward,  H  Samuel  P.  Smith, 

WiLLiAJi  A.  Whitehead,  «  John  A.  Boppe, 

James  M.  Qtxikbt,  fj  Dr.  FRrooLiN  III, 

William  A.  Myer,  ^  CoRXELrcs  Walsh, 

Thomas  B.  Peddie,  „  Moses  T.  Baker, 

Beach  Vastjerpool,  rj  Frederick  Wuesthoff. 

Joseph  Ward,  m 

Veteran  Reserve  Corps  as  Guard  of  Honor. 
Orator. 
Clergy. 
Government  and  State  Officers. 
Mayor  and  Common  Council. 
Police. 
Band.  ^ 
Fire  Department. 
Masonic  Order,  under  William  D.  Kinney,  Marshal. 
Odd  Fellows,  under  Amos  H.  Searfoss,  Marshal. 
William  S.  Whitehead,  Grand  Master  State  of  New  Jersey. 
Newark  Mutual  Aid  Association. 
Protestant  Association. 
German  Organizations— Philip  Somer,  Marshal. 
Social  Turners— William  Knecht. 
Aurora,  Eintracht,  Liederkranz,  Arion,  Concordia  and   Teutonia  Singing  So- 
cieties—J.  P.  Huber. 
Fickler  Lodge,  Benevolent  Society— G.  Benkert. 
Humbolt  "  "  "     —J.  Gemeinder. 


8 


Maehlenberg  and  Robert  Blum  Lodges,  Benevolent  Societies— C.  Miller. 

Washington,  Lafayette  and  Jefferson     "  "  "        — Chas.  Fargel. 

No  Surrender  Lodge,  Benevolent  Society — Chas.  Seifert. 

Mandas  Stamm,  Red  Men  Society— John  Lingsman. 

Mamakaus  Stamm,  Red  Men  Society— F.  Hause. 

Miamies,  Ratuca  and  Union  Stamms,  Red  Men  Societies — G.  Stetenfeld. 

Robert  Blum  Association  and  Benevolent  Society  No.  1— J.  Beisinger. 

Mendelssohn  and  Teutonia  Benevolent  Societies — I.  Lehman. 

Shoemakers'  and  Bakers'  Associations,  Friendship  Club  and  Newark  Benevolent 

Association— Schaefer. 

Clinton  Township  L.  &  J.  Club. 

Newark  Young  Men's  Literary  Society. 

Trade  Associations. 

Hibernian  Provident  Benevolent  Society. 

Shamrock  Benevolent  Society. 

Erina  Benevolent  Society. 

Laborers'    Benevolent   Society. 

Emerald  Benevolent  Society. 

St.  James'  Benevolent  Society, 

St.  Joseph's  Benevolent  Society. 

St.  Peter's  Benevolent  Society. 

St.  Patrick's  Temperance  Society. 

Young  Men's  Roman  Catholic  Association. 

Second  Division  of  St.  Patrick's  Temperance  Society. 

Citizens  generally. 

The  Marshals. 

Bells  were  tolled  and  minute  i^uns  fired  durinf]^  the  march  of  the 

procession,  which   occupied  an  hour  in   passing   a  given   point,  and 

arrived  at  the  Park  at  4jr  P.  M.     At  that  place  an  immense  assemblage 

had  gathered.    ]SIarcus  L.  Ward,  Esq.,  took  the  chair,  and  the  exercises 

were  opened  with  a  dirge  by  Dodworth's  Band,  followed  by  a  hymn 

from  the  German  Singing  Society,  which  was  sung  vrith  much  feeling 

and  expression.     The  Rev.  Mr.  Levy,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 

Resolutions,  then  ofiered  the  following,  which  were  adopted : 

The  citizens  of  Newark,  assembled  en  masse  beneath  the  shadow  of  a  great  sorrow, 
would  express  in  befitting  words  their  sentiments  and  feelings  in  view  of  the  recent 
striking  down  of  the  honored  head  of  the  Nation  by  the  hands  of  murderous  violence, 

Jiesolved,  That  we  feel  the  utter  inadequacy  of  language  to  measure  our  astonishment 
and  horror  at  the  daring  enormity  of  the  crime  committed. 

Resolved,  That  in  the  presence  of  this  awful  dispensation  of  Providence,  it  becomes  us, 
the  citizens  of  Newark  here  assembled,  in  common  with  our  fellow  countrymen  through- 
out the  Union,  to  bow  with  humble  submission  under  the  rod  that  has  smitten  us,  and 
with  penitence  and  confession  of  our  national  and  personal  sins  to  implore  God's  mercy 
upon  us  and  our  afflicted  people. 

Resolved,  That  the  virtues  of  Abraham  Lrs'coLN  speak  tmmpet-tongned  against  the 
execrable  deed  that  has  cut  short  his  useful  life  and  deprived  the  Republic  of  his  invalu. 
able  services — that  now  more  than  ever  the  insulted  majesty  of  the  Nation  stands  in  urgent 
need  of  vindication ;  and  that  while  we  would  deprecate  all  vindictive  excess,  we  are 
nevertheless  of  the  opinion  that  the  laws  of  God  and  the  instincts  of  outraged  humanity 
justify  and  demand  that  at  least  the  chief  plotters  and  abettors  of  a  rebellion  which  has 
deluged  the  land  with  blood,  should  not  be  allowed  to  go  unpunished. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognize  in  the  brutal  murder  of  the  President,  and  the  attempted 
assaseination  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  lying  as  he  was  on  a  sick  bed  and  rendered  de- 
fenceless by  wounds,  the  same  fiendish  spirit  engendered  by  slavery,  which,  years  ago, 
shocked  the  nation  with  its  barbarous  violence,  and  at  last  has  filled  the  land  with  lamen- 
tation and  bitter  sorrow,  making  it  the  imperative  duty  of  the  Government  never  to  cea^d 
the  struggle  in  which  we  are  engaged,  tintil  this  pestilent  cause  of  all  our  troubles  is  for- 
ever eradicated  from  our  soil. 


8 

Besolved,  That,  while  we  will  retain  in  cherished  remembrance  the  virtues  of  that  il- 
lustrious man  to  whom,  and  whose  compatriots,  under  God,  we  owe  the  foundation  of  the 
free  institutions  we  enjoy,  our  hearts  will  not  consent  to  withhold  an  equal  place  in  their 
afl'ectionate  and  grateful  remembrance,  from  the  martyred  patriot,  whose  life  has  just  been 
sacrificed  for  their  maintenance ;  assured  that  while  time  lasts  and  a  reverence  for  virtue 
and  loyalty  remains,  the  names  of  George  Washington  and  Abraham  Lincoln  will 
stand  together  in  emblazoned  characters  on  history's  brightest  page,  the  one  as  the  Father, 
the  other  as  the  Saviour  of  his  country. 

Besolved,  That  we  extend  to  the  afflicted  family  of  our  late  President  our  sincere  sympa^ 
thy,  assuring  them  that  their  affliction  and  sorrow  arc  not  theirs  alone,  but  are  shared  by 
the  entire  Nation,  and  that  we  commend  them  to  the  protection  and  loving  regard  of  the 
God  of  all  grace  and  comfort. 

Resolved,  That  cur  sympathies  are  due  and  are  hereby  tendered  to  the  honored  Secretary 
of  State,  himself  the  purposed  victim  of  foul  conspiracy ;  and  that  we  regard  it  a  cause 
for  special  and  devout  thanksgiving  that  the  transcendent  ability,  which  has  been  so  skill- 
fully employed  in  averting  threatened  foreign  complications  with  our  domestic  troubles, 
is  still  saved  to  our  afflicted  country  in  this  hour  of  her  severest  trial. 

Resolved,  That  we  tender  to  the  distinguished  citizen  called  of  God  in  a  manner  so 
signal  and  solemn,  to  assume  the  duties  of  the  Chief  Executive  office,  the  expression  of 
our  confidence  in  his  patriotism  and  earnest  purpose  to  administer,  in  dependence  on 
Divine  assistance,  the  aflTairs  of  this  great  people,  with  the  assurance  of  our  earnest  sup- 
port in  his  efforts  to  uphold  the  Government  and  maintain  its  authority  over  our  entire 
National  territory. 

Resolved,  That  over  the  prostrate  body  of  our  murdered  President  it  is  eminently  fit  and 
proper  that  every  good  citizen,  every  patriot,  every  man  who  Anshes  to  be  thought  an  up- 
holder of  order,  and  a  free  Government,  should  now,  ignoring  party,  swear  fresh  allegi- 
ance to  the  National  cause,  and  new  devotion  to  the  work  of  saving,  under  God,  this  great 
Republic  from  dismemberment  and  overthrow. 

Another  dirge  by  the  band  was  followed  by  the  Oration  of  Hon. 
Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen. 

The  "Star-Spangled  Banner"  and  "  Rally  Round  the  Flag"  were 
then  given  by  the  band,  after  which,  on  motion,  a  resolution  was 
adopted  returning  thanks  to  Mr.  Frelinghuysen  for  his  able  oration, 
and  requesting  a  copy  of  the  same  for  publication.  In  conclusion, 
the  vast  multitude  was  led  by  Alderman  James  L.  Hays  in  singing  the 
grand  old  Doxology — "  Praise  God  from  whom  all  blessings  flow." 


9 


ORATION. 


-♦•♦- 


Fellow-Citizens  : 

The  songs  of  Victory  ;  tlie  patriot's  con- 
gratulations at  the  speedy  advent  of  Peace  ;  the  bells  pealing 
their  anthems  of  praise  to  God,  are  suddenly  hushed.  The 
proud  huzzah  is  turned  to  lamentation,  and  the  land  is 
shrouded  with  the  signals  of  distress.  A  grief  such  as  can 
only  come  to  the  great  heart  of  a  Nation  has  fallen  upon  us. 

The  kind,  the  unpretending,  the  patient,  the  laborious,  the 
brave,  the  wise,  the  great  and  good  Abraham  Lincoln  is 
dead !  The  Nation's  heart  should  "  melt  and  be  poured  out 
like  water." 

We  bow,  Oh  !  God,  beneath  thy  rod. 

After  being  called  to  the  Chief-Magistracy  of  this  Nation  by 
the  overwhelming  voice  of  the  people  ;  after  having  borne, 
for  four  years,  a  weight  of  toil  and  care  and  responsibility, 
such  as,  perhaps,  no  other  man  has  borne ;  after  having 
brought  the  nation  through  a  complication  of  difficulties  which 
the  best  men  among  us  at  times  have  believed  would  engulph 
us  in  ruin ;  when  he  was  just  introducing  the  Nation  to  the 
halcyon  days  of  peace;  when,  by  acts  of  sublime  magna- 
nimity, appealing  to  the  better  instincts  of  man's  nature,  he 
wai5  endeavoring  to  join  the  hands  of  this  estranged  people  ; 
when,  to  all  human  appearances,  his  intimate  and  severely  ac- 
quired knowledge  of  the  conflicting  interests,  motives  and 
passions  of  the  crisis,  was  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the  Re- 
public; when  the  thanks  of  a  rescued  people  were  just  being 
poured  upon  him ;  when  his  wisdom  and  his  patriotism  had 
taken  from  party  spirit  its  bitterness,  and  all  were  uniting  in 
2 


10 

testimony  to  his  greatness  and  his  goodness — it  is,  at  this  point 
of  time,  at  this  juncture  of  events,  in  the  inscrutable  provi- 
dence of  God,  the  fearful  tidings  reach  us  that  Abraham 
Lincoln  is  dead ! 

That  mind,  in  all  its  comprehensive  originality,  stored  with 
practical  wisdom,  to  us  invaluable,  has  now  left  the  transitory 
scenes  of  time  !  That  heart  which  was  moved  to  active  sym- 
pathy for  all  in  the  wide  world  who  were  afilicted,  down- 
trodden or  oppressed,  will  never  beat  again!  That  hand 
which,  while  it  swayed  the  sceptre  of  a  great  Nation,  none  of 
any  state,  condition  or  color  were  too  poor  or  too  degraded  to 
grasp,  is  now  cold  and  stiff  and  motionless !  Ah !  afflicted 
country,  go  and  mourn. 

"  It  is  manliuess  to  be  heart-broken  here, 

For  the  grave  of  earth's  best  nobleness  is  watered  by  the  tear." 

Go  deck  with  mourning  wreath  your  Nation's  ensign,  for 
the  second  Father  of  his  Country  is  no  more. 

When  hereafter  selfish  ambition  shall  distract  and  divide 
the  Cabinet  counsel  of  the  Nation,  you  can  no  longer  com- 
posedly say,  Lincoln  is  there !  When  hereafter  an  uninformed 
and  inflammatory  press  shall  assail  valuable  civil  or  military 
officers,  you  can  no  longer  quietly  lay  aside  the  journal,  with 
the  satisfactory  consolation,  Lincoln  is  there !  When  here- 
after complications  and  difficulties  arise  with  foreign  nations, 
knowing  the  sagacity  and  peace-loving  disposition  of  your 
leader,  you  can  no  longer  exultingly  say,  Lincoln  is  there ! 
When  hereafter  the  true  friends  of  the  country,  with  earnest- 
ness and  talent,  shall  advocate  two  diverse  and  opposite  plans 
for  the  restoration  of  the  Nation,  one  crying  for  justice  and 
for  vengeance,  and  the  other  counselling  pardon  and  forbear- 
ance, you  can  no  longer  lay  your  head  gently  on  its  pillow, 
under  the  conviction  that  Lincoln  is  there !  No,  he  is  not 
there !  He  has  gone !  Gone  to  the  reward  of  those  who,  in 
imitation  of  our  great  Exemplar,  forget  themselves  for  the 
welfare  of  others. 

Did  I  say,  that  the  Nation  mourned  because  Abraham 


11 

LusTCOLN  was  dead?  I  told  but  half  the  truth.  Had  he  died 
in  the  course  of  nature,  surrounded  by  all  the  tender  assidui- 
ties of  affection,  and  had  he  left  this  anxious  world  of  trouble 
for  his  home  above,  leaving  us  his  parting  counsel  and  benedic- 
tion, we  would  have  sorrowed  for  him  most  deeply;  but  the 
heart  of  this  afflicted  people  has  vastly  more  than  that  sorrow 
to  bear.  It  is  anguished  and  torn  by  the  conflicting  emotions 
of  sorrow  and  bereavement  on  the  one  hand,  and  indignation 
and  desire  for  justice  on  the  other. 

In  Abraham  Lincoln  was  not  only  centered  the  affections 
of  the  people,  but  he  impersonated  the  majestic  dignity  of  this 
great  Christian  Nation — to  protect  and  vindicate  which  dignity 
all  men  of  all  parties  would  be  ready,  if  needs  be,  again  to 
drench  this  land  in  blood  and  tears  and  ready  to  give  up  life 
and  property ;  the  Chief  Magistrate,  who  thus  impersonated 
the  Nation's  dignity,  is  not  only  dead,  but  is  foully  murdered. 

Let  the  vile  miscreant  who  did  the  deed  die  as  he  deserves. 
But  ah !  our  President  had  other  murderers  than  that  aban- 
doned man.  He  was  murdered  by  the  two  nefarious  Powers 
which,  in  God's  strength  he  had  bravely  fought  and  bravely 
vanquished,  and  which  were  at  that  moment  expiring — 
Iluman  Slavery  and  Eebellion  against  Freedom. 

The  proximate  cause  of  this  agonizing  event  is  a  small 
leaden  missile  and  a  few  grains  of  powder ;  but  the  real,  the 
true,  the  responsible  cause  of  this  atrocity,  is  the  two  malign 
agencies  which  in  these  later  years  have  been  holding  their 
carnival  of  crime  and  cruelty  and  causing  the  land  to  wreak 
with  blood.  This  diabolical  consummation  is  the  legitimate 
result  of  the  sj^irit  they  have  been  inculcating. 

It  matters  not  whether  the  counsel  of  the  assassin's  accom- 
plice to  ''  wait  until  Kichmond  could  be  heard  from  ;"  whether 
the  fact  that  the  day  selected  for  the  deed  w\ns  that  on  which 
the  Nation's  banner  was  re-instated  on  Sumter ;  whether  the 
fact  that  months  ago  public  advertisement  offered  a  reward  for 
a  man  to  assassinate  the  President ;  whether  the  fact  that  a 
scheme  did  exist  to  seize  and  caiTy  him  off  beyond  the  ene- 


10 


12 

my's  lines  ;  whether  the  fact  that  this  plot  included  the  whole 
Cabinet — prove  or  do  not  prove  that  the  itinerant  government 
of  Eichmond  instigated  the  deed.  Those  who  would-  trace 
this  crime  to  its  proper  source  and  then  profit  by  their  conclu- 
sion,  must  accept  the  truth  that  the  murderers  are  the  two 
foul  powers  I  have  named.  One  of  w^hich,  for  generations, 
has  grown  rich  in  luxurious  indolence  by  the  sweat  of 
others  brows,  has  revelled  in  the  degradation  of  those 
who  were  without  the  ability  to  resist,  has  severed  the  ten- 
derest  ligatures  of  the  human  heart  by  tearing  husband 
from  wife,  and  mother  from  children,  and  has  made  the  lash 
and  often  death  the  sanction  by  which  to  enforce  its  tyranny  ; 
it  has  withheld  from  God's  immortal  creatures  the  blessed 
privilege  of  reading  His  gospel  of  salvation ;  has  reduced  a 
class  well  called  "poor  whites"  to  a  condition  little  better 
than  the  slave,  and  has  robbed  those  who  would  be  true  to 
their  country  of  the  benefits  of  our  priceless  institutions.  It 
is  the  same  vile  power  which  at  one  time  by  its  insidious 
blandishments  has  seduced  Northern  freemen  into  an  abject 
servility  to  its  will,  and  at  another  time  has  bullied  the  coun- 
sels of  this  Nation  into  a  shape  to  it  agreeable.  It  is  the  same 
that  has  rendered  its  votaries  arrogant  and  inhuman,  the  same 
that  struck  Sumner  down,  and  which  now,  in  the  agonies  of  its 
dissolution,  has  dealt  a  blow  upon  him,  who,  as  God's  instru- 
ment, I  believe,  has  vanquished  it. 

The  other  murderer  is  the  offspring,  (as  death  is  of  sin,)  of 
that  I  have  just  named.  It  is  that  foul  spirit  which  rebelled 
without  cause,  and  without  the  assignment  of  any  cause,  against 
the  fairest  and  best  government  of  the  world  ;  which  has  laid 
in  many  an  unknown  grave,  cold  and  stark  and  dead,  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  the  best  youth  of  the  Nation.  It  is  that  spirit 
which  has  filled  our  land  with  widows  and  orphans ;  that  has 
murdered  by  starvation  tens  of  thousands  of  our  brave 
soldiers,  fighting  to  maintain  civil  liberty  for  the  world ;  the 
same  that  prompted  commissioned  bandit  raiders  to  rob  our 
banks  and  murder  unarmed  and  quiet  citizens ;  the  same  that 


13  11 

htos  thrown  from  the  track  trains  of  cars,  the  inmates — women 
and  children — all  unguarded  and  unconscious  of  danger  ;  the 
same  that  has  striven,  with  the  incendiary's  torch,  to  reduce  to 
a  seething,  burning  mass  the  multitudinous  throng  attendant 
on  our  places  of  public  amusement,  and  to  send  anguish  to 
every  hamlet  in  the  land  by  the  simultaneous  destruction  of 
most  of  the  crowded  hotels  in  yonder  metropolis.  It  is  the 
same  spirit  that  while  this  horrid  deed  was  being  done,  in  the 
person  of  that  ruflian  leaped  on  the  sick  bed  of  our  honored 
Secretary  of  State,  and  with  the  assassin's  blade  sought  to 
extinguish  a  heroism  which  every  other  expedient  had  failed 
to  silence. 

These !  Slavery  and  Rebellion,  are  the  murderers  of  our 
Chief  Magistrate.  Let  the  vile  instrument  who,  over  the 
shoulders  of  a  doting  wife,  assassinated  the  benefactor  of  his 
race,  die! 

But  come,  you  noble,  just  and  true  men  of  all  parties  with 
me,  to  the  altars  of  your  country  and  there  record  it,  that  these 
foul  murderers  of  our  race,  as  well  as  of  our  President,  shall 
no  longer  have  a  foot-place  in  free  America. 

Those  influences  which  transmute  the  sober-minded  Ameri- 
can citizen  into  frenzied  fiends — burning  with  a  murderous 
fanaticism,  ready,  reckless  of  danger  and  death,  to  assassinate 
whoever  is  pointed  out  for  vengeance ;  those  influences  which 
render  the  stiletto  and  the  pistol,  rather  than  argument  and  the  ' 
peaceful  ballot,  the  arbiters  of  the  destinies  of  the  Nation,  must 
be  torn  up,  root  and  branch,  and  burned  in  the  hot  fire  of  a 
holy  indignation,  or  we  are  undone  forever. 

For  more  than  four  years ;  yes,  ever  since  Abraham  Lin- 
coln had  the  hardihood,  as  a  free  American  citizen,  to  accept 
a  nomination  for  the  Presidency,  the  pampered  slave  aristoc- 
racy of  the  South  have  followed  him  with  the  deepest  malig- 
nity. Fashion  and  beauty  incensed  that  at  the  sacrifice  of 
oath  and  country  he  would  not  do  obeisance  to  their  assump- 
tion, have  plied  their  fascinating  dalliance  to  insinuate  the 
venom  of  hatred  and  revenge  into  the  heart  of  the  Southern 


14 

gentry,  while  the  more  vulgar  with  the  rapacity  of  their  blood- 
dogs  have  hounded  him  ;  they  have  exhausted  the  vocabulary 
of  Billingsgate  for  opprobrious  epithets  wherewith  to  dishonor 
him;  they  have  villified  him  as  a  drunkard,  fool  and  tyrant. 
And  when  that  miscreant  leaped  upon  the  stage  and  with  the 
theatrical  malevolence  of  the  pit,  shouted  "  Stc  semj^er  tyran- 
m'Sj^^  he  only  condensed  and  echoed  the  vile  sentiment  they 
have  fostered.  I  observe  that  when  the  rebel  leader  heard  of 
the  assassination  he  shut  himself  up  in  his  house  at  Kichmond, 
refusing  to  hear  the  details  of  the  tragedy.  Ah !  yes ;  did 
conscience  tell  him  that  he  and  his  co-conspirators,  though  not 
concerned,  had  guili  in  that  murder  ?  He  is  by  no  means  the 
first  who  has  sown  the  wind  and  cowered  before  the  whirl- 
wind. The  event  which  shocks  the  nation,  is  not  isolated.  It 
is  linked  to  the  past,  and  that  past  has  its  responsibility. 

But  come  now,  you  who  have  rebelled  against  the  Govern- 
ment ;  your  victim  lies  bleeding  before  you.  Look  at  him. 
Did  he  ever  take  one  step  further  in  your  path  than  you  made 
necessary  for  the  preservation  of  this  free  Government  for 
your  children  and  for  ours  ?  Did  he  ever  utter  to  you  one 
unkind  word?  Has  he  done  more  than  you  would  have  done, 
if  you  have  not  perjury  in  your  soul,  if  you,  as  he,  had  that 
constitutional  oath  recorded  in  Heaven  ?  Come,  look  at  your 
victim — your  eyes  may  now  glut  themselves  with  vengeance ; 
but  it  would  be  more  rational,  let  me  say,  that  your  hearts 
should  be  clothed  with  sorrow,  for  there!  there!  lies  your 
best  friend !  His  patient,  forgiving  nature,  was  the  rampart 
between  your  crime  and  an  injured  country.  Think  not  that 
this  Nation  dies  with  him.  No,  it  lives,  and  it  will  live. 
Hearts  throb  and  stalwart  men  weep — but  an  event  which  would 
have  shaken  to  their  centres  the  monarchies  of  the  Old  World, 
does  not  produce  a  jar  to  our  self-adjusting  Government.  And 
let  me  tell  you,  if  you  do  not  yet  submit  to  the  same  laws 
which  we  rejoice  to  obey,  one  will  rise  up  whose  little  finger 
shall  be  as  that  man's  loins. 

This  blow  is  hard  to  bear !      Martyr  of  liberty,   great 


1  "^ 

15 

sacrifice  to  tliy  Nation's  existence,  rest  in  thy  Western  grave ! 
Those  of  the  opposing  party,  regretting  any  hasty  word,  not 
said  in  malice,  that  might  have  cast  an  insult  on  thy  honored 
name,  remembering  that  not  one  rancorous  expression  was 
ever  tempted  from  thy  lips — and  seeing  in  thy  death  the  in- 
fernal character  of  the  principles  against  which  your  war  of 
life  was  waged,  will  come  with  those  who  were  your  followers, 
and  both  will  join  with  the  down-trodden  and  the  oppressed  of 
this  and  of  every  land,  and  at  thy  tomb  renew  our  devotion 
to  the  just  and  holy  cause  for  which  you  lived  and  died. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  born  in  Kentucky,  in  1809.  He 
was  the  son  of  a  poor  man.  He  derives  no  distinction  from 
ancestry,  but  sheds  back  upon  it  a  bright  lustre.  When  he 
was  seven  years  old  his  lather  moved  to  Indiana,  where,  for 
twelve  years  the  son  lived,  aiding  in  the  support  of  the  family. 
When  Abraham  Lincoln  was  about  twenty  years  old,  his 
father  removed  to  Illinois,  and  he  remained  aiding  the  family 
until  they  were  settled  in  their  new  home.  Having  learned  to 
read  and  write  during  this  period  of  his  life,  he  studied  most 
assiduously  such  elementary  books  as  came  in  his  way.  Ilis 
father's  family  settled,  and  he,  being  destitute  of  pecuniary 
means,  hired  himself  out,  some  times  as  a  day  laborer,  some 
times  as  a  hand  on  a  IMississippi  flat-boat.  At  this  period,  and 
in  these  scenes,  he  learned,  by  impressive  lessons,  the  value  to 
each  of  God's  creatures,  of  his  own  industry,  his  own  muscles 
and  capabilities,  for  that  was  all  the  patrimony  he  had.  And 
he  learned  too,  in  the  integrity  of  his  nature,  to  look  upon  the 
self-appropriation  of  another's  industry  without  compensation, 
as  the  meanest  of  all  thefts  and  robberies.  He  learned  the 
dignity  of  free  human  toil  and  that  if,  and  not  the  ill-gotten 
gains  of  a  pampered  aristocracy,  constituted  the  true  wealth  of 
the  Nation.  He  learned  that  the  very  diversity  of  gifts  that 
exist  among  men  in  this  world — one  being  rich  and  another 
poor — created  the  mutual  dependance  of  one  man  upon  an- 
other; for  he  saw  that  the  man  with  capital  was  as  dependant 
on  him  for  his  labor,  as  he  was  upon  the  man  of  wealth  for 


16 

his  support;  and  he  saw  that  this  universal  dependance  of 
each  member  of  society  on  the  other  members  of  society,  con- 
stituted the  equality  of  all  men  in  society — and  that  as  all  men, 
hy  their  dependance^  were  equal,  they  all  had  equal  rights,  and 
thus  comprehended  that  great  fundamental  doctrine  of  our 
Government,  "  That  all  men  are  created  equal."  lie  learned 
that  it  was  not  "a  glittering  generality,"  but  a  great  truth, 
affecting  all  the  relations  of  men  as  citizens.  These  lessons 
thus  learned,  helped  to  prepare  him  for  his  great  mission. 

After  having  gathered  a  little  means,  for  a  short  time  he 
followed  the  employment  of  a  country  merchant,  and  then  the 
business  of  a  surveyor.  lie  then  studied  law,  and  soon  took 
a  prominent  position  at  the  bar — being  employed  in  many 
important  cases  at  the  West.  He  was  then  sent  to  Congress, 
where  he  maintained  a  highly  respectable  and  useful  position. 

On  his  return  from  Congress,  the  question  of  slavery  was 
agitating  the  country.  Senator  Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  a 
man  of  great  talent  and  the  foremost  debater  in  the  U.  S. 
Senate ;  and  permit  me  to  say,  while  he  lived,  he  was  as  de- 
termined and  patriotic  an  opposer  of  the  rebellion  as  any  man 
that  has  survived  him.  Douglas  and  Lincoln  met  at  the 
hustings  to  discuss  the  great  question  of  slavery — vast  crowds 
followed  them,  the  electric  wire  carried  their  speeches  as  de- 
livered all  over  the  land.  Those  debates  were  of  marked 
ability,  and  I  believe  that  neither  of  those  distinguished  men 
ever  claimed  a  victory,  the  one  over  the  other.  And  the 
people  were  more  enlightened  and  educated  on  the  subject 
from  these  debates  than  from  any  other  source. 

The  ability  displayed  and  the  principles  enunciated  by  Mr. 
Lincoln  in  these  debates,  induced  the  Eepublican  party,  in 
1860,  to  make  him  their  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  That 
election  was  one  of  fearful  interest  and  excitement.  The  slave 
section  of  the  country  had  hitherto,  by  threats  and  menaces, 
carried  almost  every  position  they  had  tali:en,  and  they  now 
pointed  to  the  magazine  and  to  the  torchj  saying  that  if  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  was  elected  President,  the  Union,  the  Nation, 


17  13 

should  cease  to  exist.  Many  looked  upon  this  as  an  idle  threat ; 
others  determined,  that  be  the  consequences  what  they  might, 
they  would  lawfully  and  freely  exercise  the  elective  franchise. 
Tie  was  elected.  They  lighted  the  torch,  and  were  preparing 
to  apply  it.  Congress  implored  them  to  desist ;  and,  moved 
by  love  of  country,  to  induce  them  to  stay  their  hand,  both 
the  Ilouse  of  Kepresentatives  and  Senate,  by  a  two-thirds  vote, 
Republicans  and  Democrats  voting  together,  on  the  28th  of 
February,  1861,  passed  a  joint  resolution,  proposing  the  fol- 
io win  iz  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States : 

"  No  amendment  shall  be  made  to  the  Constitution  which 
"  will  authorize  or  give  to  Congress  the  power  to  abolish  or 
'•  interfere,  within  any  State,  with  the  domestic  institutions 
*'  thereof,  including  that  of  persons  held  to  labor  or  service  by 
"  the  laws  of  said  State." 

President  Lincoln,  in  his  inaugural  address,  plainly  ex- 
pressed his  approval  of  this  amendment,  and  it  was  a  measure 
of  conciliation  in  which  I-  then  deeply  sympathized.  That 
was  the  hour  of  power  for  the  Southern  malcontents.  Had 
they  then  desisted,  this  fair  land  of  freedom  would  have  be- 
come a  pandemonium  where  slavery  and  all  the  crimes  of 
which  it  is  the  prolific  mother,  would  have  had  uncontrolled 
dominion  and  sway.  But  God  in  his  infinite  wisdom  and 
mercy  had  better  things  in  store  for  us ;  and  severe  as  has 
been  the  ordeal,  this  Nation,  pruned  from  its  iniquity,  is  yet 
to  be  the  grandest  and  freest  Christian  Nation  of  the  world. 

Having  escaped  a  plot  for  his  assassination,  by  changing  his 
arrangements  for  travel,  Mr.  Lincoln  arrived  at  Washington  > 
and  was  inaugurated  on  the  -ith  of  March,  1861.  And  he 
whom  the  vile  fugitive  has  the  hardihood  to  call  a  tyrant, 
thus  at  his  inauguration  addressed  the  South :  ''In  your  hands, 
"  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in  mine^  is  the 
"  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  Government  wiW  not 
"  assail  you.  You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves 
"  the  aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered  in  Heaven  to 
"  destroy  the  Government,  while  I  shall  have  the  most  solemn 
"  one  to  *  preserve,  protect  and  defend  it.' 
3 


18 

"  I  am  loth  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends  ;  we 
"  must  not  be  enemies.  Tliougli  passion  may  liave  strained,  it 
"  must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords 
"  of  memory,  stretching  from  every  battle-field  and  patriot 
"grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone,  all  over  this 
"  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union  when 
"  again  touched,  as  surely  they  will  be  by  the  better  angels  of 
"  our  nature." 

These  words  had  hardly  reached  the  South  when,  on  the 
i4th  of  April,  Sumter  was  fired  on.  Abraham  Lincoln 
sprang  to  his  feet  and  called  for  men,  and  most  nobly  did  all 
parties  of  the  North  respond.  And  from  that  time  to  the 
hour  of  his  death — in  the  Cabinet  of  the  Nation,  at  the  front, 
and  in  the  trenches  around  the  Capitol — he  devoted  himself  to 
the  great  interests  of  his  country.  Others  have  wavered — 
others  have  desponded,  but  he  never.  And  now  to-day,  in 
the  august  presence  upon  which  he  has  entered,  he  can  truly 
say :  "  The  oath  which  I  took  before  God  and  the  Nation,  I 
"  have  tried  to  fulfill." 

This  is  not  the  time  or  the  place  to  follow  the  varying  for- 
tunes of  this  war.  To  one  act  alone  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  I  ad- 
vert. For  a  year  and  a  half  we  had  been  unsuccessful  in 
quelling  the  rebellion.  Mr.  Lincoln  believed  it  was  his  duty, 
as  Commander-in-Chief,  to  deprive  the  rebels  of  that  which 
supported  them,  and  on  the  22d  of  September,  1862,  he  issued 
his  proclamation  that  in  all  those  States,  which  on  the  1st  of 
January,  1863,  were  in  rebellion,  the  slaves  should  be  free 

FOREVER. 

I  shall  not  discuss  the  merits  of  that  act.  Of  one  thing  I 
am  certain,  that  Abraham  Lincoln  will  never  now  recall  it ! 
Yes,  a  second  thing  I  know,  that  on  those  blissful  shores,  and 
in  that  atmosphere  of  love,  where  all  are  equals  and  all  are 
free,  he  does  not  desire  to-day  to  recall  it !  Yes !  a  third  thing 
I  know,  the  American  people,  seeing  the  havoc  it  has  wrought, 
will  never,  never,  never  recall  it. 

And  now  Abraham  Lincoln's  work  is  done.    He  has  left 


19  1 4 

US  forever !  lie  has  accomplished  vastly  more  than  at  his  in- 
duction to  office  he  modestly  promised.  He  did  not  live  to 
see  the  full  consummation  of  his  labors,  but  from  Pisgah  he 
viewed  the  promised  land.  And  to-day,  we,  of  all  political 
parties,  viewing  the  altar  where  he  lies  a  sacrifice,  find  our 
hearts  moved  to  a  warmer  and  higher  patriotism. 

It  is  a  delicate  duty  to  interpret  the  Providence  of  God. 
One  thing  is  certain — God  never  teaches  us  to  hate  any  fellow 
creature,  nor  to  take  vengeance  in  our  own  hands.  lie  teaches 
us  to  love  justice  and  to  loathe  iniquity.  And  I  believe  this 
Providence  should  teach  us  to  hate  the  Kebellion  and  Slavery, 

the  murderers  of  our  President,  more  than  ever  before,  and  in 

* 
imitation  of  him  we  lament,  and  so  far  as  is  consistent  with 

the  inflexible  laws  of  justice,  forgive  as  we  desire  to  be  for- 
given. 

I  have  not  the  time  or  the  ability  to  give  a  correct  analysis 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  characteristics.  He  is  not  one  of  those 
ephemeral  characters,  to  which  a  fervid  imagination  might  add 
an  unreal  lustre,  or  from  which  a  want  of  appreciation  might 
detract.  His  life  and  character  are  substantial  things  in  the 
world's  history,  upon  which  time,  after  a  rigid  scrutiny,  will 
pass  an  irreversable  judgment.  That  judgment  will  be  to  the 
honor  of  his  name,  and  to  the  glory  of  the  Nation. 

But  pardon  a  word  as  to  his  characteristics. 

I  do  not  believe  in  the  truth  of  the  maxim,  "  Vox  2^oj)uli\ 
vox  Dei^^  but  I  do  believe  that  no  man  has  appended  to  his 
name  by  his  associates  in  daily  life,  the  prefix  "honest"  who 
is  not  a  man  of  sterling  integrity,  and  he  was  known  for  years 
in  the  West  as  "Honest  Abraham  Lincoln."  He  was  a 
faithful  man. 

Many  gifted  men,  fostered  by  our  free  institutions,  have 
appeared  on  the  stage  of  public  life,  but  in  how  few  of  them 
has  the  keen  and  jealous  vision  of  the  people  failed  to  dis- 
cover ambition,  the  taint  of  sellishness,  and  the  stooping  for 
power?  But  Mr.  Lincoln  is  believed  by  the  peo])le  to  have 
lived  not  for  hiniseJf,  but  for  his  country,     lli^  star  in  the  con 


20 

stellations  of  history  will  be  known  as  his^  by   its  unsullied 

lustre. 

As  a  patriot,  lie  did  not  confine  liis  efforts  to  the  rescue,  or 
to  the  grandeur  of  the  Kepublic,  and  so  convert  even  the  Ke- 
public,  as  did  the  Eomans,  into  a  magnifident  idol,  but  in  the 
universality  of  his  benevolence  he  comprehended  the  elevation 
and  the  happiness  of  all  his  countrymen — of  the  master  as 
well  as  of  the  slave,  and  of  those  of  his  race  beyond  the  great 
waters  as  well  as  to  those  who  are  here. 

As  a  statesman,  I  can  only  say,  that  I  think  he  was  more 
wise,  had  more  foresight,  more  penetration  into  the  future? 
than  most,  perhaps  than  any,  of  his  cotemporaries.  So  well 
convinced  had  the  people  become  of  his  superior  wisdom,  that 
they  rendered  a  cheerful  acquiescence  in  measures,  which, 
emanating  from  another,  they  would  have  looked  upon  with 
distrust  and  doubt. 

A  word  as  to  the  qualities  of  his  heart.  The  only  stricture 
I  ever  heard  upon  him  in  this  regard  is,  that  he  was  too  kind 
and  too  lenient.  That  is  a  blessed  criticism  for  one  who  has 
gone  to  Eternity,  dependent  upon  the  mercy  of  his  God.  He 
luas  merciful  to  the  transgressor,  but  did  he  ever  parley  with 
the  transgression?  The  two  offences  he  had  to  deal  with 
were  Slavery  and  Kebellion  against  Freedom.  Let  the  man 
in  all  the  world  who  has  done  or  suffered  more  for  the  de- 
struction of  both  become  his  critic.  T  cannot  be.  But  he 
was  tender-hearted,  and  often  and  often  when  some  poor  boy- 
soldier  has  been  tempted  to  desert,  and  the  military  penalty  of 
death  has  been  adjudged  against  him,  Mr.  LiNCOLisr  has  inter- 
posed to  save  his  life.  He  may  have  been  wrong,  but  right  or 
wrong,  we  all  love  him  the  better  for  it. 

Of  his  religious  character,  I  can  only  say,  that  he  of  all  men 
was  no  pretender ;  he  was  an  honest  man,  and  being  so,  the 
spirit  of  his  numerous  proclamations  are  plenary  evidence  of 
his  humble  reliance  on  God.  Pardon  the  recital  of  an  inci- 
dent. A  gentleman,  as  I  am  credibly  informed,  visited  the 
President,  and  an  interview  was  appointed  for  seven  o'clock 


21  i^ 

the  next  morning.  As  the  business  was  of  much  importance 
to  the  gentleman,  he  was  on  the  alert,  and  when  he  reached 
the  President's  he  found  it  was  only  six  o'clock.  He  walked 
to  the  rear  of  "the  mansion  and  was  attracted  by  a  voice  which 
he  recognized  as  that  of  Mr.  Linx'OLN',  in  a  retired  back  room. 
He  listened  and  found  the  President  was  praying  to  his  God 

« 

for  his  country. 

We  need  not  this  proof — the  man's  life,  principles  and 
utterances,  prove  his  faitli.  And  we  may  joyfully  believe  that 
a  life  of  so  much  excellence  was  but  the  preface  to  a  better 
life — clothed  in  a  righteousness  not  his  own. 

I  might  detain  you  longer.  I  might  point  out  to  you  wliat 
he  accomplished  for  us,  but  I  forbear. 

Let  me  oidy  say :  lie  has  estcddl^Iicd  it,  that  the  will  of  the 
majority,  restrained  oiJf/  by  the  Constitution  of  our  fathers,  is 
the  sovereign  power  of  this  Nation.  He  has  cstaldlshed  it,  that 
this  Government  is  not  a  confederation  of  petty  sovereignties, 
any  of  which  may  at  will  dissolve  the  Government,  but  that 
We  are  a  great  Nation,  having  in  ourselves  under  God,  the 
power  of  life  and  of  self-preservation. 

He  has  done  one  thing  more. 

When  the  Roman  master  would  free  a  slave,  he  brought 
him  to  the  Court  of  the  Praetor  Urbanus  in  the  Forum,  placed 
him  on  a  stool,  then  gave  him  a  whirl,  and  in  the  hearing  of 
all  the  people  shouted,  ^^  Liber  Esto!  Libcr  Esio  ! ''^  Be  Free ! 
Be  Free  !  and  he  became  a  freedman. 

Abraham  Lin'coln,  as  the  instrument  of  God,  has  in  the 
cadence  of  heavenly  music  shouted,  "  Liber  Esto  !  IJbcr  Esto .'" 
before  the  world  in  the  ears  of  four  millions  of  God's  creatures. 

Rest  now — thy  work  is  done,  thy  life's  an  epoch  and  a 
blessing.     Rest ! 

"  For  thou  art  Freedom's  now  nncl  Fame's 
"  One  of  the  few,  tlic  immortal  namca 
"  That  were  not  born  to  die."' 


22 

THE   REMAINS   IN    NEW   JERSEY. 

On  Monday,  April  24tli,  the  remains  of  the  lamented  President  passed 
tlirougli  Newark,  accompanied  by  ]\rcssrs.  :\rARCUS  L.  Ward,  Joseph 
P.  Bradley,  Andrew  Lemassena,  Frederick  B.  Kuhnhold,  Cort- 
LANDT  Parker  and  Andrew  Atha,  of  the  Citizens'  Committee.  The 
Newark  Daily  Advertiser^  of  the  24th,  says  : 

"  Shortly  after  7  o'clock  this  morning,  crowds  of  people  began  to 
'father  upon  Raili'oad  avenue,  between  Market  and  Chestnut  streets,  and 
soon  not  only  covered  the  entire  street  but  all  the  adjoining  house-tops, 
sheds  and  windows.  A  feeling  of  deep  sorrow  appeared  to  pervade  the 
entire  mass,  wliile  the  fluttering  of  the  black  trimmings  from  the  neigh- 
Ijoring  buildmgs,  the  mourning  badges  upon  the  coat  or  mantle,  and 
the  other  tokens  of  grief,  gave  an  unusually  sombre  cast  to  the  scene. 

"  Shortly  before  9  o'clock,  the  members  of  the  Common  Council,  city 
officers,  clergy,  a  detachment  of  the  Veteran  Reserve  Coii3S,  and  the  city 
police,  took  possession  of  the  Market  street  depot,  and  after  removing 
the  crowd,  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  train,  whose  approach  had  been 
announced  by  the  arrival  of  the  jnlot  locomotive,  hea^dly  draped  in 
mourning.  Its  appearance  was  heralded  by  the  tolling  of  l)ells  and  the 
tiring  of  minute  guns,  and  as  the  train  with  the  remains  passed  slowly 
alono-  the  avenue,  heads  were  uncovered  and  bowed  with  reverence, 
many  persons  shedding  tears. 

"  The  cars  remained  at  the  depot  only  a  few  minutes  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  Jersey  City,  passing  large  numbers  of  citizens  who  had  gath- 
ered at  the  various  street  crossings,  and  the  Centre  street  station  and 
East  Newark." 

[From  the  Newark  Daily  Advertiser,  April  2Gth,  1865.] 

"  A  con'espondent  of  the  Boston  Advertiser^  who  accomjDanied  the 
funeral  train  fi-om  Washington  to  New  York,  says  of  the  scene  in  this 
city  on  Monday  morning  : 

'The  incidents  of  the  morning's  journey  were  similar  to  those  seen 
elsewhere.  Sometimes  the  track  was  lined  on  both  sides  for  miles  with 
a  continuous  array  of  people.  The  most  imjiressive  scene  of  the  whole 
route  thus  t\ir  was  furnished  by  the  city  of  Newark,  although  no  stop  of 
any  length  was  made  there.  The  track  runs  directly  through  the  city, 
and  the  space  on  each  side  of  the  road  is  very  broad,  and  afforded  ample 
room  for  spectators.  It  seemed  as  if  the  inhabitants  of  Newark  had  re- 
solved to  turn  out  en  masse  to  pay  their  brief  tribute  of  respect  to  the 
memory  of  the  departed  as  his  cofhn  passed  by.  For  a  distance  of  a 
mile,  the  observer  on  the  train  could  perceive  only  one  sea  of  Luman 
beings.  It  was  not  a  crowd  surging  with  excitement  or  impatience  like 
most  great  assemblages,  but  stood  quiet  and  aj^parently  subdued  with 
grief  unspeakable.  Every  man  with  hardly  an  exception,  from  one  end 
of  the  town  to  the  other,  stood  bareheaded  while  the  train  passed,  half 
of  the  women  were  crying,  and  every  face  bore  an  expression  of  sincere 
sadness.  Housetops,  fences,  and  the  very  switches  beside  the  track, 
were  covered  with  men.    Words  can  do  no  justice  to  the  spectacle.    We 


90 


16 


liavc  become  used  to  tliiillinL,^  scenes  by  the  experience  of  our  journey, 
but  nowhere  have  we  seen  anythhig  more  touchiu''-  than  the  simple  una- 
nimity witli  which  tlie  men  and  women  of  Newark  left  their  avocations 
and  waited  beside  the  track  for  the  passage  of  the  funeral  train.' 

"  Wc  may  add  to  the  above,  that  Governor  Stone,  of  Iowa,  who  was 
on  the  train,  stated  to  a  gentleman  of  this  city  that  at  no  point  in  the 
long  journey  had  the  tribute  to  the  lamented  deceased  exceeded  in  fervor 
and  touchiug  solemnity  that  here  displayed.'' 


ABRAHAM  LIXTOLX: 


A    PAPER 

READ    liKFORK 

The   Royal   Historical   Socip:tv, 

London,  ]ink  iCiii.    1881. 


15V 

Hon.    ISAAC    N.   ARNOLD, 

I'RESIDKNT   OF  THE   CHICACO    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY,  AND    IION.»KAKY   lEI.l.OW 
OF   THE    ROYAL    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY,  LONDON. 


KKPRINTKI>    FROM 

Transactions  of    ihe   Ronai.  Hisiokk,  ai.  Society. 

Vol.   X. 


CHICAGO: 

F  K  R  C  r  S    I'  K  I  N   I'  I  N  (;    C  O  M  P  A  N  V 

I  8  8  ^^ 


OFFICERS  AND  COUNCIL     MAY,  1881. 


TnK    Kk.hi    HoN'ORAni.K  Lijkd   Ai;i;RitAui  ,    1.  R.S. 

lli>  Grace  thk   Dukk  of  Wkstminster,   K.Ci. 
'I 'hi    RicHi    Hox.   iHK  Eart.  or  Roskbkrv. 
KiLiHT  Hon.  Lord  de  Lisle  and  Dudley. 
The  Ri(;ht  Hon.  Lord  Selborne. 
Sir  John  Lubbock,  Bari.,  M.P..  D.C.L. 
James  Hevwood,  Esq.,  F.R.S. 
(iEORGE  Harrls,  Esq.,  LL.U.,  F.I. A. 
Cornelius  Walford,  Esq.,  F.I. A. 

^  0  u  n  c  i  f . 

GusTAVUS  George  Zerffi,  Esq.,  Ph. I)..  F. R..S. L.,  Chairman. 

S[r  Charles  Farquhar  Shand,  LL. I).,  Vice-C/iainnan. 

Right  Hon.  Earl  Ferrers. 

The  Righi    Hon.  Lord  Ronald  Gowkr. 

John  H.  Chapman,  Esq.,  M.A.,  F.S.A. 

Hyde  Clark,  Esq.,  D.C.L. 

Rky.  J.  M.  Crombie,  F.G.S.,  F.L.S. 

J.  Baker  Greene,  Esq.,  M.B.,  LL.B. 

Henry  H.  Howorth,  Es(j.,  F.S.A. 

Alderman  Hurst. 

Captain  E.  C.  Johnson. 

Tito  Pagliardini,  Esq. 

1'.  K.  J.  Shenton,  Esq. 

Rev.  Robin.son  Thornton,  D.D.  (Oxon). 

liRYCK  McMuRDo  Wright,  E.sq.,  F.R.Ci.S. 

John  Russell,  Esq. 

^I^ouorari)  ir>ccri'tarii  an&  ilrcaoun'r. 

^\'^r.  Herba(;k,    Esq.,    F.S.S.,   i>ondon   wwC^  .Suulh-Wcstcrii    Bank, 
7,  Fenchurch  Street,  London,  F.C. 

^iOrariait. 

W.  S.  W.  \' \ux,  Esq.,  M.A.,  F.R.S. L.,  Societys  Rooms,  jj,  Albe- 
marle Street,  W. 


Among  the  Honorary  Fellows  of  the  Society  are  the  following: 

Hon.  (ieorge  Bancroft,  Washington,  U.S.A. 

Hon.  Charles  H.  Bell,  President  of  the  New  Hampshire  Historical 
Society,  Exeter,  New  Hampshire. 

James  Anthony  Froude,  Esq.,  LL.D.,  London. 

His  Excellency  General  Grant,  Ex-President  of  the  United  States. 

Hon.  Horatio  Gates  Jones,  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  Right-Rev.  Bisho])  Kip,  San  Francisco. 

Professor  H.  W.  Longfellow,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 

Frederic  de  Peyster,  Esq.,  President  of  the  Hist.  Soc.  of  New  York. 

A'ery  Rev.  Dean  Stanley,  D.D.,  London. 

"Pownsend  A\'ard,  Esq.,  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Hon.  M.  P.  Wilder,  Boston,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 

Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  LL.D..  President  of  the  Historical  So- 
ciety of  Massachusetts. 

Hon.  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  President  Hist.  Soc.  of  Chicago,  L'.S.A. 


19 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


The   Royal   Historical  Socii^tv. 


On  the  evcniiii;"  of  tlic  i6th  of  June,  1881,  the  Society, 
and  a  large  number  of  in\-ited  i^uests,  met  at  the  Society's 
Rooms,  Xo.  22  Albemarle  Street,  London. 

Tlie  chairman,  Mr.  Alderman  Hurst,  ]{\-Ma}'or  of  Bed- 
ford, in  introducing^  Mr.  Arnold  to  the  Socict}-  said  that  the 
occasion  was  the  more  interesting  to  him  from  the  fact  that 
the  first  emigrants  to  America  were  natives  of  his  own  part 
of  the  country,  l^edfordshire  and  the  neighboring  counties. 
It  gave  him  great  pleasure  to  see  among  them  that  evening 
a  member  of  the  Society  from  the  distant  shores  of  America, 
and  in  the  name  of  the  Society  he  gave  him  hearts'  welcome. 
They  all  knew  and  admired  the  great  man  of  whom  the}- 
were  about  to  hear,  and  the  paper  would  proxe  doubly 
interesting,  coming  as  it  did  from  one  of  his  fellow-countr\'- 
men  and  one  who  had  known  and  been  associated  in  political 
duties  with  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Arnold  then  read  the  following  paper  upon  Mr. 
Lincoln : 


20 


ABRAHAM    LINXOLN. 


.Mr.   PRKSIDKN  T.    LaDII.s    AM)    ( i KN  Tl.KMKN  : 

Till",  noblest  inheritance  \vc,  Americans,  deri\c  from 
our  British  ancestors  is  the  memor}'  and  exami)le  of  the 
threat  and  L^ood  men  who  adorn  \our  history.  They  are  as 
much  appreciated  and  honored  on  our  side  of  the  Atlantic 
as  on  this.  In  i;i\ing  to  the  En<;lish-speakin^j  world  Wash- 
ington and  Lincoln  we  think  we  re]oa\',  in  large  part,  our 
obligation.  Their  preeminence  in  American  histor\'  is 
recognized,  and  the  republic,  which  the  one  foiuided  imd  the 
other  preserved,  has  already  crowned  tliem  as  models  for  her 
children. 

In  the  annals  of  almost  e\er\'  great  nation  some  names 
appear  standing  out  clear  and  prominent,  names  of  those 
who  have  influenced  or  controlled  the  great  events  which 
make  up  histor\'.  Such  were  Wallace  and  Hruce  in  Scot- 
land, Alfred  and  the  Edwards,  William  the  Conqueror, 
Cromwell.  Pitt,  Nelson,  and  Wellington  in  ICngland.  and 
such  in  a  still  greater  degree  were  Washington  and  Lincoln. 

I  am  here,  from  near  his  home,  with  the  hope  that  1 
may,  to  some  extent,  aid  \'ou  in  forming  a  just  and  true 
estimate  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  1  knew  him,  somewhat  inti- 
mately, in  private  and  public  life  for  more  than  twent>' 
years.  We  practised  law  at  the  same  bar,  and  tluring  his 
administration,  I  was  a  member  of  Congress,  seeing  him 
and  conferring  with  him  often,  and,  therefore,  1  ma\'  hope. 
I  trust  without  \anit\'  that  I  shall  be  able  to  contribute 
something  of  value  in  enabling  you  to  judge  of  him.  Wc 
in   America,  as   well   as  you   in   the   old   world,   believe  that 


8 

'•blood  will  tell";  that  it  is  a  great  blessing  to  have  had  an 
honorable  and  worthy  ancestry.  We  believe  that  moral 
principle,  physical  and  intellectual  \igor  in  the  forefathers 
are  qualities  likely  to  be  manifested  in  the  descendants. 
Fools  are  not  the  fathers  or  mothers  of  great  men.  I  claim 
for  Lincoln,  humble  as  was  the  station  to  which  he  was 
born,  and  rude  and  rough  as  were  his  early  surroundings, 
that  he  had  such  ancestors.  I  mean  that  his  father  and 
mother,  his  grandfather  and  grandmother,  and  still  further 
back,  however  humble  and  rugged  their  condition,  were 
physically  and  mentally  strong,  vigorous  men  and  women; 
hardy  and  successful  pioneers  on  the  frontier  of  American 
civilization.  They  were  among  the  early  settlers  in  Virginia, 
Kentucky,  and  Illinois,  and  knew  how  to  take  care  of  them- 
selves in  the  midst  of  difficulties  and  perils;  how  to  live 
and  succeed  where  the  weak  would  perish.  These  ances- 
tors of  Lincoln,  for  several  generations,  kept  on  the  ver}" 
crest  of  the  wave  of  Western  settlements — on  the  frontier^ 
where  the  struggle  for  life  was  hard  and  the  strong  alone 
survived. 

His  grandfather,  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  his  father, 
Thomas,  were  born  in  Rockingham  County,  Virginia. 

About  1 78 1,  while  his  father  was  still  a  lad,  his  grand- 
father's family  emigrated  to  Kentucky,  and  was  a  contem- 
porary with  Daniel  Boone,  the  celebrated  Indian  fighter  and 
early  hero  of  that  State.  This,  a  then  wild  and  wooded 
territory,  was  the  scene  of  those  fierce  and  desperate  con- 
flicts between  the  settlers  and  the  Indians  which  gave  it  the 
name  of  "The  dark  and  bloody  ground." 

When  Thomas  Lincoln,  the  father  of  the  President,  was 
six  years  old,  his  father  (Abraham,  the  grandfather  of  the 
President)  was  shot  and  instantly  killed  by  an  Indian.  The 
boy  and  his  father  were  at  work  in  the  corn-field,  near  their 
log-cabin  home.  Mordecai,  the  elder  brother  of  the  lad,  at 
work  not  far  away,  witnessed  the  attack.  He  saw  his  father 
fall,  and  ran  to  the  cabin,  seized  his  ready-loaded  rifle,  and 
springing  to  the  loop-hole  cut  through  the  logs,  he  saw  the 


21 


Indian,  who  had  seized  the  bo\',  carr\-in<''  him  awaw  Rais- 
in[^  his  rifle  and  ainiini,^  at  a  siher  medal,  conspicuous  on 
the  breast  of  the  Indian,  lie  instantly  fired.  The  Indian 
fell,  and  the  lad,  springing  to  his  feet,  ran  to  the  open  arms 
of  his  mother  at  the  cabin-door.  Amidst  such  scenes,  the 
Lincoln  famil\'  naturalh'  produced  rude,  rough,  hardy,  and 
fearless  men,  familiar  with  wood-craft;  men  who  could  meet 
the  extremes  of  exposure  and  fatigue,  who  knew  how  to 
find  food  and  shelter  in  the  forest;  men  of  great  powers  of 
endurance — brave  and  self-reliant,  true  and  faithful  to  their 
friends,  and  dangerous  to  their  enemies.  Men  with  minds 
to  conceive  and  hands  to  execute  bold  enterprises. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  grandfather,  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, is  noted  on  the  surveys  of  Daniel  Boone  as  ha\ing 
purchased,  of  the  Gox'ernment,  fixe  hundred  acres  of  land. 
Thomas  Lincoln,  the  father,  was  also  the  purchaser  of  gov- 
ernment land,  and  President  Lincoln  left,  as  a  part  of  his 
estate,  a  quarter-section  (one  hundred  and  sixty  acres),  which 
he  had  received  from  the  Lnited  States,  for  services  ren- 
dered in  early  life  as  a  volunteer  soldier  in  the  Hlack-IIawk 
Indian  war.  Thus  for  three  generations  tlie  Lincoln  family 
were  land-owners  directly  from  the  Government. 

Such  was  the  lineage  and  family  from  which  President 
Lincoln  sprung.  Such  was  the  enxironment  in  which  his 
character  was  developed. 

He  was  born  in  a  log-cabin,  in  Kentucky,  on  the  I2th 
of  Februar}',  1809. 

It  will  aid  you  in  picturing  to  yourselves  this  \'oung  man 
and  his  surroundings,  to  know  that,  from  boyhood  to  the 
age  of  twent\'-one,  in  winter  his  head  was  protected  from 
the  cold  by  a  cap  made  of  the  skin  of  the  coon,  fox,  or  prai- 
rie-wolf, and  that  he  often  wore  the  buckskin  breeches  and 
hunting-shirt  of  the  pioneer. 

He  grew  up  to  be  a  man  of  majestic  stature  and  Her- 
culean strength.  ILul  he  appeared  in  h^nglaiul  or  Nor- 
mandy some  centuries  ago,  he  would  have  been  the  founder 
of  some  great  Baronial   famil\'.  p(^ssibl\'  of  a  Royal  tl\'nast\'. 


lO 

He  could  have  wielded,  with  ease,  the  two-handed  sword  of 
Guy,  the  great  Earl  of  Warwick,  or  the  battle-axe  of  Rich- 
ard of  the  Lion-heart. 

HIS    EDUCATION    AND    TKAIXINCi. 

The  world  is  naturally  interested  in  knowing  what  was 
the  education  and  training  which  fitted  Lincoln  for  the 
great  work  which  he  accomplished.  On  the  extreme  fron- 
tier, the, means  of  book-learning  was  very  limited.  The 
common  free -schools,  which  now  closely  follow  the  heels 
of  the  pioneer  and  organized  civil  government,  and  prevail 
all  over  the  United  States,  had  not  then  reached  the  Far- 
West.  An  itinerant  school-teacher  wandered  occasionally 
into  a  settlement,  opened  a  private  school  for  a  few  months, 
and  at  such  Lincoln  attended  at  different  times,  in  all  about 
twelve  months.  His  mother,  who  was  a  woman  of  practical 
good  sense,  of  strong  physical  organization,  of  deep  relig- 
ious feeling,  gentle  and  self-reliant,  taught  him  to  read  and 
write. 

Although  she  died  when  he  was  only  nine  years  old, 
she  had  already  laid  deep  the  foundations  of  his  excellence. 
Perfect  truthfulness  and  integrity,  love  of  justice,  self-con- 
trol, reverence  for  God,  these  constituted  the  solid  basis  of 
his  character.  These  we're  all  implanted  and  carefully  culti- 
vated by  his  mother,  and  he  always  spoke  of  her  with  the 
deepest  respect  and  the  most  tender  affection.  "All  that  I 
am,  or  hope  to  be,"  said  he,  when  President,  "I  owe  to  my 
sainted  mother." 

He  early  manifested  the  most  eager  desire  to  learn,  but 
there  were  no  libraries,  and  few  books  in  the  back  settle- 
ments in  which  he  lived.  Among  the  stray  volumes,  which 
he  found  in  the  possession  of  the  illiterate  families  by  which 
he  was  surrounded,  were  ^sop's  fables,  Bunyan's  Pilgrim's 
Progress,  a  life  of  W^ashington,  the  poems  of  Burns,  and  the 
Bible.  To  these  his  reading  was  confined,  and  he  read 
them  o\'er  and  over  again,  until  they  became  as  familiar 
almost  as  the  alphabet.      His  memory  was  marvelous,  and   I 


9  9 


1 1 


nc\cr  \cl  nicl  ihc  man  nun'c  faniili.ii'  with  llic  Hil^lc  than 
Aljiahani  Lincoln.  This  was  apparent  in  after -hfc.  botli 
fnun  his  C()n\c'rsati(»n  and  writings,  as  scarceU'  a  spcccli  or 
state  paper  of  his  in  which  iUustrations  and  alhisions  from 
the  I^ible  can  not   l^e  found. 

Willie  a  N'ounij  man.  he  made  for  himself,  of  coarse 
paper,  a  scrap-book,  into  which  lie  copied  cvcr}'thing  which 
particularl)'  j^leased  him.  He  found  an  old  EngHsh  gram- 
mar, which  he  studied  b\-  liimself;  and  he  formed,  from  hi^ 
constant  study  o(  the  l^ible,  that  simple,  plain,  clear  Anglo- 
Sax(Mi  style,  so  effectixe  with  the  people.  He  illustrated 
the  maxim  that  it  is  better  to  know  thorouglilx'  a  few  good 
books  than  to  skim  o\er  manw  When  fifteen  \ears  old,  he 
began  (w  ith  a  \  iew  of  improxing  himself)  to  write  on  \ari- 
ous  subjects  ami  to  j^ractise  in  making  political  and  other 
speeches.  These  he  made  so  amusing  and  attractix'e  tliat 
liis  father  had  to  forbid  his  making -them  in  working-hours, 
for.  said  he,  "when  Abe  begins  to  speak,  all  the  hands  flock 
to  hear  him."  His  mcmor)-  was  so  retentix'e  that  he  could 
repeat,  vcrbatiin,  the  sermons  and  political  speeches  which 
he  heard. 

Wliile  his  da\'s  were  spent  in  hard  manual  labor,  and 
his  exenings  in  study,  he  grew  up  strong  in  bodx'.  healthful 
in  mind,  with  no  bad  liabits;  no  stain  of  intemperance,  pro- 
fanity, or  vice  of  anv  kind.  He  used  neither  tobacco  nor 
intoxicating  drinks,  and,  thus  lixing.  he  grew  to  be  six  feet 
four  inches  high,  and  a  giant  in  strength.  In  all  athletic 
sports  he  had  no  equal.  I  have  heard  an  old  comrade  sa\', 
"he  could  strike  the  hardest  blow  with  the  woodman's  axe. 
and  the  maul  of  the  rail-splitter,  jumj)  higher,  run  faster 
than  any  of  his  fellows,  and  there  were  none,  far  or  near, 
who  could  la\-  him  on  his  back."  Kind  and  cordial,  he 
early  developed  st)  much  wit  and  humor,  such  a  capacity 
for  narratixe  and  storx-telling.  that  he  xvas  exerxxvhere  a 
most    welcome   guest. 


12 


A    LAND    SURVEYOR. 

Like  Washington,  he  became,  in  early  hfe,  a  good  prac- 
tical surveyor,  and  I  ha\e,  in  my  library,  the  identical  book 
from  which,  at  eighteen  }'ears  of  age,  he  studied  the  art  of 
surveying.  B\'  his  skill  and  accuracy,  and  by  the  neatness 
of  his  work,  he  was  sought  after  by  the  settlers,  to  survey 
and  fix  the  boundaries  of  their  farms,  and  in  this  way,  in 
part,  he  earned  a  support  while  he  studied  law.  In  1837, 
self-taught,  he  was  admitted  and  licensed,  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Illinois,  to  practise  law. 

A   LAWYER. 

It  is  difficult  for  me  to  describe,  and,  perhaps,  more 
difficult  for  you  to  conceive  the  contrast  when  Lincoln 
began  lo  practise  law,  between  the  forms  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice  in  Westminster  Hall,  and  in  the  rude  log 
court-houses  of  Illinois.  I  recall  today  what  was  said  a  few 
years  ago  by  an  Illinois  friend,  when  we  visited,  for  the  first 
time,  Westminster  Abbey,  and  as  we  passed  into  Westmin- 
ster Hall.  "This,"  he  exclaimed,  "this  is  the  grandest  forum 
in  the  world.  Here  Fox,  Burke,  and  Sheridan  hurled  their 
denunciations  against  Warren  Hastings.  Here  Brougham 
defended  Queen  Caroline.  And  this,"  he  went  on  to  repeat, 
in  the  words  of  Macauley  (words  as  familiar  in  America  as 
here),  "This  is  the  great  hall  of  William  Rufus,  the  hall 
which  has  resounded  with  acclamations  at  the  inauguration 
of  thirt}'  kings,  and  which  has  witnessed  the  trials  of  Bacon 
and  Somers  and  Strafford  and  Charles  the  First."  "And 
yet,"  I  replied,  "I  have  seen  justice  administered  on  the 
prairies  of  Illinois  without  pomp  or  ceremony,  everything 
simple  to  rudeness,  and  yet,  when  Lincoln  and  Douglas  led 
at  the  bar,  I  have  seen  justice  administered  by  judges  as 
pure,  aided  by  advocates  as  eloquent,  if  not  as  learned,  as 
any  who  ever  presided,  or  plead,  in  Westminster  Hall." 

The  common-law  of  England  (said  to  be  the  perfection 
of  human  wisdom)  was  administered  in  both  forums,  and 
the  decisions  of  each  tribunal  were  cited  as  authority  in  the 


13 


23 


other;    both   ilhistrating    that    reverence    for.  and    obedience 
to,  law,  wliich  is  the  glor\-  of  the  ICnghsh-speakinf^  race. 

Lincoln  was  a  great  law)'er.  He  sought  to  convince 
rather  b\'  the  application  of  principle  than  b\'  the  citation 
of  authorities.  On  the  w  hole,  die  was  stronger  w  ith  llu- 
jur\'  than  with  the  court.  1  do  not  know  that  there  has 
e\er  been,  in  iVnierica.  a  greater  or  more  successful  advo- 
cate before  a  jur\-,  on  the  right  side,  than  Abraham  Lin- 
coln. He  had  a  marvelous  power  of  conciliating  and  im- 
pressing everyone  in  his  favor.  A  stranger  entering  the 
court,  ignorant  of  the  case,  and  listening  a  few  moments  to 
Lincoln,  would  fmd  himself  inx'oluntarih'  on  his  side  and 
w  ishing  him  success.  He  was  a  quick  and  accurate  reader 
of  character,  and  seemed  to  comprehend,  almost  intuiti\el\', 
the  peculiarities  of  those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact. 
His  manner  was  so  candid,  his  methods  so  direct,  so  fair,  he 
seemed  so  anxious  that  truth  and  justice  should  prex'ail,  that 
everyone  w  ished  him  success.  He  excelled  in  the  statement 
of  his  case.  Howe\'er  complicated,  he  would  disentangle  it, 
and  present  the  important  and  turning-point  in  a  wa\'  so 
clear  that  all  could  understand.  Indeed,  hi^  statement 
often  alone  won  his  cause,  rendering  argument  unnecessarw 
The  judges  would  often  stop  him  b}'  saying,  "If  that  is  the 
case,  brother  Lincoln,  we  w  ill  hear  the  other  side." 

His  abilit\-  in  examining  a  witness,  in  bringing  out 
clearly  the  important  facts,  was  only  surpassed  h\-  his  skil- 
ful cross-examinations.  He  could  often  compel  a  witness 
to  tell  the  truth,  when  he  meant  to  lie.  He  could  make  a 
jur\'  laugh,  and  generalls'  weep,  at  liis  pleasure.  On  the 
right  side,  and  when  fraud  «>r  injustice  were  to  be  exposed, 
or  innocence  \indicated,  he  rose  to  the  highest  range  of 
eloquence,  and  was  irresistible.  But  he  must  ha\-e  faith  in 
his  cause  to  bring  out  his  full  strength.  His  wit  and  humor, 
his  quaint  and  homelx'  illu-^tralions,  his  inexhaustible  stores 
of  anectlote,  alwa}'s  to  the  point,  added  greatl\-  tn  his  power 
as  a  jur\-adv()cate. 

He    ne\er    misstated    evidence    or    misrepresented     his 
opponent's  case,  but   met   it   fairl}'  and   squarel}-. 


14 

He  remained  in  acti\e  practice  until  his  nomination,  in 
May,  i860,  for  the  presidency.  He  was  employed  in  the 
leading  cases  in  both  the  federal  and  state  courts,  and  had 
a  large  clientelage,  not  onl)'  in  Illinois,  but  was  frequently 
called,  on  special  retainers,  to  other  states. 

AN    ILLINOIS    POLrriCL\N. 

B\'  his  eloquence  and  popularity,  he  became,  earl\-  in 
life,  the  leader  of  the  old  Whig  party,  in  Illinois.  He  served 
as  member  of  the  State  Legislature,  was  the  candidate  of 
his  party  for  speaker,  presidential  elector,  and  United  States 
senator,  and  was  a  member  of  the  lower  house  of  Congress. 

SLAVERY. 

When  the  independence  of  the  American  republic  was 
established,  African  slavery  was  tolerated  as  a  local  and 
temporary  institution.  It  was  in  conflict  with  the  moral 
sense,  the  religious  con\ictions  of  the  people,  and  the  politi- 
cal principles  on  which  the  government  was  founded. 

But  having  been  tolerated,  it  soon  became  an  organ- 
ized, aggressive  power,  and,  later,  it  became  the  master  of 
the  government.  Conscious  of  its  inherent  ^\'eakness,  it 
demanded  and  obtained  additional  territory  for  its  expan- 
sion. First,  the  great  Louisiana  Territory  was  purchased, 
then  Florida,  and  then  Texas. 

By  the  repeal,  in  1854,  of  the  prohibition  of  slavery 
north  of  the  Hne  of  ;^6'',  30'  of  latitude  (known  in  America 
as  the  "Missouri  Compromise"),  the  slavery  question  became 
the  leading  one  in  American  politics,  and  the  absorbing  and 
exciting  topic  of  discussion.  It  shattered  into  fragments 
the  old  conservative  Whig  party,  with  which  Mr.  Lincoln 
had,  theretofore,  acted.  It  divided  the  Democratic  party, 
and  new  parties  were  organized  upon  issues  growing 
directly  out  of  the  question  of  slavery. 

The  leader  of  that  portion  of  the  Democratic  party 
which  continued,  for  a  time,  to  act  with  the  slavery  party, 
was  Stephen  Arnold  Douglas,  then  representing  Illinois  in 
the  United  States  Senate.     He  was  a  bold,  ambitious,  able 


15 


24 


man,  and  had,  thus  lar,  been  unifornils'  successful.  He  had 
introduced  and  carried  through  Con^nx'ss.  against  llie  nK^st 
vehement  opposition,  the  repeal  of  the  law,  jDrohibilin^" 
slavery,  called   the   Missouri   Compromise. 

THK  (<»Nri.sr   i;i  iwii.N    irkki)(.).m  and   >i.A\i;k\    ix  'ihk 

TKKKITORIKS. 

The  issue  ha\in^  been  now  tlistinctl\'  made  between 
freedom  and  the  extension  of  sla\'er\'  into  the  territories. 
Lincoln  and  Douglas,  the  leaders  of  the  Free-soil  and  Dem- 
ocratic parties,  became  more  than  e\'er  antagonized.  The 
conflict  between  freedom  and  slavery  now  became  earnest, 
fierce,  and  \iolent,  beyond  all  [)revious  political  contro- 
versies, and  from  this  time  on,  Lincoln  plead  the  cause  of 
libert)'  w  ith  an  energ\'.  abilit\',  and  elocpience,  which  rapidh' 
gained  for  him  a  national  reputation.  From  this  time  dn, 
through  the  tremendous  struggle,  it  was  he  who  grasped 
the  helm  and  led  his  part\'  to  \ictor\'.  Conscious  of  a 
great  cause,  inspired  by  a  generous  love  of  libert)',  and 
animated  b\'  the  moral  sublimit}'  of  his  great  theme,  he 
proclaimed  his  determination,  e\er  thereafter,  **to  speak 
for  freedom,  and  against  sla\er\',  until  e\er\'\\  here  the  sun 
shall  shine,  the  rain  shall  fall,  and  the  wind  blow  upt)n  no 
man  who  goes  forth  to  unrequited  toil." 

THi:    LINCOLN    AND    DOUCJLAS   DEBATE. 

The  great  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  in 
1858,  was.  unquestionabl)',  both  with  reference  to  the  ability 
of  the  speakers  and  its  influence  upon  opinion  and  e\ents, 
the  most  important  in  American  histor)-.  I  do  not  think  I 
do  injustice  to  others,  nor  over-estimate  their  importance, 
when  I  sa\'  that  the  speeches  of  Lincoln  published,  circu- 
lated, and  reail  throughout  the  I^Vee-States,  did  more  than 
an\-  other  agenc}'  in  creating  the  public  opinit)n,  which  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  overthrow  of  sla\er)'.  The  speeches 
of  John  Ouinc)'  i\dams,  and  those  of  Senator  Sumner,  were 
more  learned  and  scholarl)',  and  those  of  Lo\ejo\'  and 
Wendell    Phillips    were    more    \ehement    and    impassioned; 


i6 

Senators  Seward,  Chase,  and  Hale  spoke  fconi  a  more  con- 
spicuous forum,  but  Lincoln's  speeches  were  as  philosophic, 
as  able,  as  earnest  as  any,  and  his  manner  had  a  simplicity 
and  directness,  a  clearness  of  illustration,  and  his  language 
a  plainness,  a  \ngor,  an  Anglo-Saxon  strength,  better  adapted 
than  an}'  other  to  reach  and  influence  the  understanding 
and  sentiment  of  the  common  people. 

At  the  time  of  this  memorable  discussion,  both  Lincoln 
and  Douglas  were  in  the  full  maturity  of  their  powers. 
Douglas  being  forty-five  and  Lincoln  forty-nine  years  old. 
Douglas  had  had  a  long  training  and  experience  as  a  popu- 
lar speaker.  On  the  hustings  (stump,  as  we  say  in  America) 
and  in  Congress,  and  especially  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
he  had  been  accustomed  to  meet  the  ablest  debaters  of  his 
State  and  of  the  Nation. 

His  friends  insisted  that  never,  either  in  conflict  with  a 
single  opponent,  or  when  repelling  the  assaults  of  a  whole 
party,  had  he  been  discomfited.  His  manner  w^as  bold, 
vigorous,  and  aggressive.  He  was  ready,  fertile  in  resources, 
familiar  with  political  history,  strong  and  severe  in  denun- 
ciation, and  he  handled  with  skill  all  the  weapons  of  the 
dialectician.  His  iron  will,  tireless  energy,  united  w^ith 
physical  and  moral  courage,  and  great  personal  magnetism, 
made  him  a  natural  leader,  and  gave  him  personal  popula- 
rity. 

Lincoln  was  also  now  a  thoroughly -trained  speaker. 
He  had  contended  successfully  at  the  bar,  in  the  legislature, 
and  before  the  people,  with  the  ablest  men  of  the  West, 
including  Douglas,  with  whom  he  always  rather  sought  than 
avoided  a  discussion.  But  he  was  a  courteous  and  generous 
opponent,  as  is  illustrated  by  the  following  beautiful  allusion 
to  his  rival,  made  in  1856,  in  one  of  their  joint  debates. 
"Twent}'  years  ago,  Judge  Douglas  and  I  first  became 
acquainted;  we  were  both  young  then;  he  a  trifle  younger 
than  L  Even  then  we  were  both  ambitious,  I,  perhaps, 
quite  as  much  as  he.  With  me,  the  race  of  ambition  has 
been  a  flat  failure.     With  him,  it  has  been  a  splendid  sue- 


25 


cess.  His  name  fills  the  Nation,  and  it  is  not  unknown  in 
forcicjn  lands.  I  affect  no  contempt  for  the  liif^h  eminence 
he  has  reached;  so  reached,  that  tlie  oppressed  of  ni}' 
species  mi<^ht  have  shared  with  me  in  the  elcxation,  I  would 
rather  stand  on  that  eminence  than  w  ear  the  richest  crown 
that  ever  pressed  a  monarch's  brow." 

We  know,  and  the  world  knows,  that  Lincoln  did  reacli 
that  hii;h,  nay,  far  higher  eminence,  and  that  he  did  reach 
it  in  such  a  way  that  the  "oppressed"  did  share  with  him  in 
the  elevation. 

Such  were  the  champions  who,  in  1858,  were  to  discuss, 
before  the  voters  of  Illinois,  and  with  the  whole  Nation  as 
spectators,  the  political  questions  then  pendini;',  and  especi- 
ally the  \ital  questions  relating'  to  slavery.  It  was  not  a 
sinL;le  C(Miibat,  but  extended  through  a  whole  campai<^ni. 

On  the  return  of  Doucflas  from  Washington  to  Illinois, 
in  Jul)'.  1858,  Lincoln  and  Douglas  being  candidates  for  the 
senate,  the  former  challenged  his  rival  to  a  series  of  joint 
debates,  to  be  held  at  the  principal  towns  in  the  State. 
The  challenge  was  accepted,  and  it  was  agreed  that  each 
discussion  should  occup\'  three  hours;  that  the  speakers 
should  alternate  in  the  opening  and  the  close — the  opening 
speech  to  occup\'  one  hour,  the  reply  one  hour  and  a-half, 
and  the  close  half-an-hour.  The  meetings  were  lield  in  the 
open  air,  for  no  hall  could  hold  the  \ast  crowds  which 
attended. 

In  addition  to  the  immense  mass  of  hearers,  reporters 
from  all  the  principal  newspapers  in  the  countr\'  attended, 
so  that  the  morning  after  each  debate  the  speeches  were 
published  and  eagerly  read  b\'  a  large  part,  j^erliaps  a 
majority  of  all  the  voters  of  the  United   States. 

The  attention  of  the  American  people  w  as  thus  arrested, 
and  they  watched  with  intense  interest,  and  devoured  every 
argument  of  the  chamj)ions. 

Each  of  these  great  men,  1  doubt  not,  at  that  time 
sincerely  believed  he  was  right.  Douglas'  ardor,  while  in 
such  a  conflict,  would   make  him   think,  for  the  time  being, 

2 


i8 

he  was  right,  and  I  knoiv  that  Lincohi  argued  for  freedom 
against  the  extension  of  sla\'ery  with  the  most  profound 
conviction  that  on  the  result  hung  the  fate  of  his  country. 
Lincoln  had  two  advantages  over  Douglas;  he  had  the  best 
side  of  the  question,  and  the  best  temper.  He  was  always 
good-humored,  always  had  an  apt  story  for  illustration, 
while  Douglas  sometimes,  when  hard  pressed,  was  irritable. 

Douglas  carried  away  the  most  popular  applause,  but 
Lincoln  made  the  deeper  and  more  lasting  impression. 
Douglas  did  not  disdain  an  immediate  ad  captandiun 
triumph,  while  Lincoln  aim.ed  at  permanent  conviction. 
Sometimes  when  Lincoln's  friends  urged  him  to  raise  a 
storm  of  applause  (which  he  could  always  do  by  his  happy 
illustrations  and  amusing  stories),  he  refused,  saying  the 
occasion  was  too  serious,  the  issue  too  grave.  "I  do  not 
seek  applause,"  said  he,  "nor  to  amuse  the  people,  I  want 
to  convince  them." 

It  was  often  observed,  during  this  canvass,  that  while 
Douglas  was  sometimes  greeted  with  the  loudest  cheers 
when  Lincoln  closed,  the  people  seemed  solemn  and  seri- 
ous, and  could  be  heard  all  through  the  crowd,  gravely  and 
anxiously  discussing  the  topics  on  which  he  had  been 
speaking. 

Douglas  secured  the  immediate  object  of  the  struggle, 
but  the  manly  bearing,  tlie  vigorous  logic,  the  honesty  and 
sincerity,  the  great  intellectual  powers  exhibited  by  Mr. 
Lincoln,  prepared  the  wa}',  and  two  years  later,  secured 
his  nomination  and  election  to  the  presidency.  It  is  a 
touching  incident,  illustrating  the  patriotism  of  both  these 
statesmen,  that,  widely  as  they  differed,  and  keen  as  had 
been  their  rivalry,  just  as  soon  as  the  life  of  the  Republic 
was  menaced  by  treason,  they  joined  hands  to  shield  and 
save  the  country  they  loved. 

The  echo  and  the  prophecy  of  this  great  debate  was 
heard,  and  inspired  hope  in  the  far- oft"  cotton  and  rice- 
fields  of  the  South.  The  toiling  blacks,  to  use  the  words 
of  Whittier,  began  hopefully  to  pray: 


26 

'9 

"We   pray  de  Lord.      He  gib  us  signs 
l)at  some  day  we  be  free. 
I  )e   Xorf  wind  tell  it  to  de  pines, 
1  )e  wild  duck  to  de  sea. 

"  We  tink  it  when  de  church-bell  ring, 
We  dream  it  in  de  dreani, 
De  rice-bird  mean  it  wiien  he  sing, 
De  eagle  when  he  scream." 

THE   COUl'KK-IXSTIl'UTE    SPKKCH. 

Ill  I'Y'bruary,  i860,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  called  to  address 
the  people  of  New  York,  and  speaking  to  a  vast  audience 
at  the  Cooper  Institute  (the  Exeter  Hall  of  the  United 
States),  the  poet  Bryant  presidint^-,  he  made,  perhaps,  the 
most  learned,  logical,  and  exhausti\e  speech  to  be  found 
in  American  anti-slavery  literature.  The  question  was,  the 
power  of  the  National  (jovernment  to  exclude  slavery  from 
the  territories.  The  orator  from  the  prairies,  the  mornings 
after  this  speech,  awoke  to  find  himself  famous. 

He  closed  with  these  words,  "Let  us  ha\-c  faith  that 
right  makes  might,  and  in  that  faith  let  us,  to  the  end,  do- 
our   duty  as  we  understand  it." 

This  address  was  the  carefull)'-finished  product  of  not 
an  orator  and  statesman  onK',  but  also  of  an  accurate  stu- 
dent of  American  histor\-.  It  confirmed  and  elevated  the 
reputation  he  had  already  accjuired  in  the  ])ou<^das  debates, 
and  caused  his  nomination  and  election  to  the  presidency. 

If  time  permitted,  I  would  like  to  follow  Mr.  Lincoln, 
step  by  step,  to  enumerate  his  measures  one  after  another, 
until,  by  prudence  and  coura«^e,  and  matchless  statesman- 
shi]),  he  led  the  loyal  people  of  the  republic  to  the  final 
and  complete  overthrow  of  slaver\-  and  the  restoration  of 
the  Union. 

From  the  time  he  left  his  humble  home  in  Illinois,  to 
assume  the  responsibilities  of  power,  the  political  horizon 
black  with  treason  and  rebellion,  the  terrific  thunder  clouds, 
— the  tempest  which  had  been  feathering  and  growing  more 
black  and  threatening  for  }'ears,  now  read)'  to  explode, — on 


20 

and  on,  through  long  years  ot  bloody  war,  down  to  his  final 
triumph  and  death — what  a  drama!  His  eventful  life  termi- 
nated by  his  tragic  death,  has  it  not  the  dramatic  unities 
and  the  awful  ending  of  the  Old  Greek  tragedy? 

HIS   FAREWELL   TO    HIS   NEIGHBORS. 

I  know  of  nothing  in  history  more  pathetic  than  the 
scene  when  he  bade  good-bye  to  his  old  friends  and  neigh- 
bors. Conscious  of  the  difficulties  and  dangers  before  him, 
difficulties  which  seemed  almost  insurmountable,  with  a  sad- 
ness as  though  a  presentiment  that  he  should  return  no 
more  was  pressing  upon  him,  but  with  a  deep  religious  trust 
which  was  characteristic,  on  the  platform  of  the  rail-car- 
riage which  was  to  bear  him  away  to  the  Capital,  he  paused 
and  said,  "No  one  can  realize  the  sadness  I  feel  at  this  part- 
ing. Here  I  have  lived  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century. 
Here  mv  children  were  born,  and  here  one  of  them  lies 
buried.  I  know  not  how  soon  I  shall  see  you  again.  I  go 
to  assume  a  task  more  difficult  than  that  which  has  devolved 
upon  any  other  man  since  the  days  of  Washington.  He 
never  would  have  succeeded  but  for  the  aid  of  Divine  Pro- 
vidence upon  which,  at  all  times,  he  relied.  ^  '"  '''' 
I  hope  you,  my  dear  friends,  will  all  pray  that  I  may  receive 
that  Divine  assistance,  without  which  I  can  not  succeed,  but 
with  which  success  is  certain." 

And  as  he  waved  his  hand  in  farewell  to  the  old  home, 
to  which  he  w^as  never  to  return,  he  heard  the  response 
from  many  old  friends,  "God  bless  and  keep  you."  "God 
protect  you  from  all  traitors."  His  neighbors  "sorrowing 
most  of  all,"  for  the  fear  "that  they  should  see  his  face  no 
more." 

HIS   INAUGURAL   AND   APPEAL   FOR    PEACE. 

In  his  inaugural  address,  spoken  in  the  open  air,  and 
from  the  eastern  portico  of  the  capitol,  and  heard  by  thrice 
ten  thousand  people,  on  the  very  verge  of  ci\'il  war,  he 
made  a  most  earnest  appeal  for  peace.     He  gave  the  most 


2  I 

solemn  assurance,  that  "the  property,  peace,  and  security  of 
no  portion  of  the  RepubHc  should  be  endant^ered  by  his 
athiiinistration."  l^ut  lie  declared  with  firmness,  that  the 
union  of  the  States  must  be  "perpetual,"  and  that  he  should 
"execute  the  laws  faithfully  in  every  State."  "In  doinc^ 
this,'"  said  he,  "there  need  be  no  bloodshed  nor  \iolence, 
nor  shall  there  be,  unless  forced  upon  the  National  Au- 
thorit)'."  In  regard  to  the  difficulties  which  thus  divided 
the  people,  he  appealed  to  all  to  abstain  from  precipitate 
action,  assuring  them  that  intelligence,  patriotism,  and  a 
firm  reliance  on  Him  who  has  never  yet  forsaken  the 
Republic,  "were  competent  to  adjust,  in  the  best  wa\',  all 
existing  troubles." 

His  closing  appeal  against  civil  war  was  most  touch- 
ing, "In  your  hands,"  said  he,  and  his  voice  for  the  first 
time  faltered,  "In  your  hands,  and  not  in  mine,  are  the 
momentous  issues  of  civil  war."  "  '"  '-  "You  can 
liave  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors." 
''^  "''^  "I  am,"  continued  he,  "loth  to  close,  we  are  not 
enemies,  but  friends.  We  must  not  be  enemies,  though 
passion  may  strain, — it  must  not  break  the  bonds  of  affec- 

A.  *  " 

tion. 

The  answer  to  these  appeals  was  the  attack  upon  Fort 
Sumpter,  and  immediately  broke  loose  all  the  maddening 
passions  which   riot  in  blood  and  carnage  and  ci\il  war. 

I  know  not  how  I  can  better  picture  and  illustrate  the 
condition  of  affairs  and  of  public  feeling  at  that  time,  than 
by  narrating  two  or  three  incidents. 

DOUGLAS'    PROPHECY,   JANUARY    I,    1861. 

in  Januar}',  1861,  Senator  Douglas,  then  lateU'  a  candi- 
date for  the  presidenc}',  with  Mrs.  Douglas,  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  and  fascinating  women  in  America,  a  relative  of 
Mrs.  Madison,  occupied  at  Washington  a  house  in  a  most 
magnificent  block  of  dwellings,  called  the  "Minnesota 
Block."  On  New- Year's -day,  1861,  Gen.  Charles  Stewart 
of  New  York,  from  whose  lips  I  write  an  account  (jf  the 
incident,  says: 


o  o 


"I  was  making  a  New-Year's-call  on  Senator  Douglas; 
after  some  conversation,  1  asked  him: 

"'What  will  be  the  result,  Senator,  of  the  efforts  of 
Jefferson  Davis  and  his  associates  to  divide  the  Union?' 
We  were,"  said  Stewart,  "sitting  on  the  sofa  together  when 
I  asked  the  question.  Douglas  rose,  walked  rapidly  up 
and  down  the  room  for  a  moment,  and  then  pausing,  he 
exclaimed,  with   deep  feeling  and  excitement: 

"  'The  Cotton  States  are  making  an  effort  to  draw  in 
the  Border  States  to  their  schemes  of  Secession,  and  I  am 
but  too  fearful  thev  will  succeed.  If  thev  do,  there  will  be 
the  most  fearful  civil  war  the  world  has  ever  seen,  lasting 
for  years.' 

"Pausing  a  moment,  he  looked  like  one  inspired,  while 
he  proceeded:  'Virginia,  over  yonder,  across  the  Potomac,' 
pointing  toward  Arlington,  'will  become  a  charnel-house — 
but  in  the  end  the  Union  will  triumph.  They  will  try,'  he 
continued,  'to  get  possession  of  this  Capital,  to  give  them 
prestige  abroad,  but  in  that  eftbrt  they  will  never  succeed; 
the  North  will  rise  eii  masse  to  defend  it.  But  Washington 
will  become  a  city  of  hospitals,  the  churches  will  be  used 
for  the  sick  and  wounded.  This  house,'  he  continued,  'the 
Minnesota  Block  will  be  devoted  to  that  purpose  before  the 
end  of  the  war.'  "^ 

Every  word  he  said  was  literally  fulfilled  —  all  the 
churches  nearly  were  used  for  the  wounded,  and  the  Min- 
nesota Block,  and  the  very  room  in  which  this  declaration 
was  made,  became  the  "Douglas  Hospital." 

"'What  justification  for  all  this.''' said  Stewart. 

"'There  is  no  justification,'  replied  Douglas. 

"'I  will  go  as  far  as  the  constitution  will  permit  to 
maintain  their  just  rights.  But,'  said  he,  rising  upon  his 
feet  and  raising  his  arm,  'if  the  Southern  States  attempt 
to  secede,  I  am  in  favor  of  their  having  just  so  many  slaves, 
and  just  so  much  slave  territory  as  they  can  hold  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  and  no  more.'  " 


28 


WILL   TIIK    NORTH     1  ICHT  ? 

AlaiU'  Suuthcrn  leaders  beliexed  there  would  be  no 
serious  war,  and  labored  kidustriousl\'  to  impress  this  idea 
on   the   Southern   people. 

Ik^njamin  V .  lUitler,  wlio,  as  a  delegate  from  Massachu- 
setts to  the  Charlestown  Convention,  had  \'oted  man\'  times 
for  Brecken ridge,  the  extreme  Southern  candidate  for  presi- 
dent, came  to  Washington  in  the  winter  of  1 860-1,  to  in- 
(|uire  of  his  old  associates  what  they  meant  by  their  threats. 

"We  mean,"  replied  the}',  "we  mean  Separation  —  a 
Southern  Confederacy.  We  will  ha\e  our  independence,  a 
Southern  government — with   no  discordant  elements." 

"Are  \'Ou   prepared   for   war.'"  said   Butler,  coolU'. 

"Oh,  there   will  be  no  war;   the  North   won't  fight." 

"The  North  Tc-///  fight,"  said  l^utler,  "the  North  will 
send  the  last  i)ia)i  and  expend  the  last  dollar  to  maintain  the 
Government." 

"But,"  replied  Ikitler's  Southern  friends,  "the  North 
can't  fight — we  have  too   many  allies  there." 

"You  have  friends,"  responded  Butler,  "in  the  North, 
who  will  stand  b\'  \'ou  st)  long  as  )'ou  fight  your  battles  in 
the  Union,  but  the  moment  you  fire  on  the  flag,  the  North 
will  be  a  unit  against  you."  "And,"  Butler  continued,  "you 
ma)'  be  assured  if  w  ar  comes,  slavery  euds^ 

THK    SPECIAL    SESSION    OF    CONGRESS,   JULY,    1861. 

On  the  brink  of  this  civil  war,  the  President  summoned 
Congress  to  meet  on  the  4th  of  July,  1861,  the  anniversary 
of  our  Independence.  Seven  states  had  already  seceded, 
were  in  open  revolt,  and  the  chairs  of  their  representatives, 
in  both  h(juses  of  Congress,  were  \acant.  It  needed  but  a 
glance  at  these  so  numerous  vacant  seats  to  realize  the 
extent  of  the  defection,  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  and 
the  magnitude  of  the  impending  struggle.  The  old  pro- 
slavery  leaders  were  absent.  Some  in  the  rebel  govern- 
ment, set  up  at    Richmond,  and    others   marshalling    troops 


24 

in  the  field.  Hostile  armies  were  gathering,  and  from  the 
dome  of  the  Capitol,  across  the  Potomac,  and  on  toward 
Fairfax,  in  Virginia,  could  be  seen  the  Confederate  flag. 

Breckenridge,  late  the  Southern  candidate  for  president,, 
now  Senator  from  Kentucky,  and  soon  to  lead  a  rebel  army, 
still  lingered  in  the  Senate.  Like  Cataline  among  the 
Roman  Senators,  he  was  regarded  with  aversion  and  dis- 
trust. Gloomy  and  perhaps  sorrowful,  he  said,  "I  can  only 
look  \\ith  sadness  on  the  melancholy  drama  that  is  being 
enacted." 

Pardon  the  digression,  while  I  relate  an  incident  which 
occurred  in  the  Senate  at  this  special  session. 

Senator  Baker  of  Oregon  was  making  a  brilliant  and 
impassioned  reply  to  a  speech  of  Breckenridge,  in  which  he 
denounced  the  Kentucky  senator,  for  giving  aid  and  encour- 
agement to  the  enemy  by  his  speeches.  At  length  he 
paused,  and  turning  toward  Breckenridge,  and  fixing  his 
eye  upon  him,  he  asked,  "What  would  have  been  thought 
if,  after  the  battle  of  Cannae,  a  Roman  senator  had  risen 
amidst  the  conscript  Fathers,  and  denounced  the  war,  and 
opposed  all  measures  for  its  success  r' 

Baker  paused,  and  every  eye  in  the  Senate  and  in  the 
crowded  galleries  was  fixed  upon  the  almost  solitary  sena- 
tor from  Kentucky.  Fessenden  broke  the  painful  silence 
by  exclaiming,  in  low  deep  tones,  which  gave  expression  to 
the  thrill  of  indignation,  which  ran  through  the  hall,  "He 
would  have  been  hurled  from  the  Tarpeian  Rock." 

Congress  manifested  its  sense  of  the  gravity  of  the 
situation  by  authorizing  a  loan  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
millions  of  dollars,  and  empowering  the  President  to  call 
into  the  field  five  hundred  thousand  men,  and  as  many 
more  as  he  might  deem  necessary. 

SURRENDER   OF    MASON   AND    SEIDELL. 

No  act  of  the  British  Government,  since  the  "stamp 
act"  of  the  Revolution,  has  ever  excited  such  intense  feel- 
ing   of    hostility    toward    Gfeat    Britain,    as    her    haughty 


25 


29 


clcniaiul  for  the  surrender  of  Mason  and  Slidell.  It 
required  //cm-  in  tlie  President  to  stem  the  storm  of  popu- 
lar feehn^^  and  yield  to  that  demand,  and  it  was,  for  a 
time,  the  most  unpopuhir  aet  of  liis  administration.  Hut 
when  the  excitement  o(  the  day  had  passed,  it  was 
appro\cd   b)'  the  sober  judi;nicnt  of  the   Nation. 

Prince  Albert  is  kindly  and  f]^ratefull\-  remembered  in 
America,  where  it  is  belie\-ed  that  his  action,  in  modif}'- 
in^  the  terms  of  that  demand,  prt)bably  saved  the  United- 
States  and   Great    Britain   from   the   horrors  of  war. 

LINCOLN    AND    MIL    AlloLmON    OF    SLAVLRV. 

When  in  June,  1858,  at  his  home  in  Springfield,  Mr. 
Lincoln  startled  the  people  with  the  declaration,  "This 
government  can  not  endure,  permanenth',  half-slave  and 
half- free,"  and  when,  at  the  close  of  his  speech,  to  those 
who  were  laborini;  for  the  ultimate  extinction  of  slaver}\ 
he  exclaimed,  with  the  \c)ice  of  a  prophet,  "We  shall  not 
fail,  if  we  stand  firm,  we  shall  Not  fail.  Wise  councils  may 
accelerate,  or  mistakes  delay,  but  sooner  or  later  the  vic- 
tory is  sure  to  come;"  he  anticipated  success  throui^h  \ears 
of  discussion,  and  final  triumph  through  peaceful  and  con- 
stitutional means  b\'  the  ballot.  He  did  not  forsee  nor 
even  dream  (unless  in  those  dim  m\'sterious  shadows,  which 
sometimes  startle  by  half-re\'ealing  the  future)  his  own 
elevation  to  the  presidency.  He  did  not  then  suspect  that 
he  had  been  appointed  by  God,  and  should  be  choosen  by 
the  people  to  proclaim  the  emancipation  of  a  race,  and  to 
save  his  country.  He  did  not  forsee  that  slaver\-  was  so 
soon  to  be  destro\'ed  amidst  the  flames  of  war  which  itself 
kindled. 

IMS    M()I)i:i<.\'l  I().\. 

He  entered  upon  his  administration  w  ith  the  single  pur- 
pose of  maintaining  national  unity,  and  manv  reproachetl 
and  denounced  him  for  the  slowness  of  his  ant i- slavery 
measures.     The   first   (jf  the  series  was  the  abolition  of  sla- 


26 

very  at  the  National  Capital.  This  act  gave  freedom  to 
three  thousand  slaves,  with  compensation  to  their  loyal 
masters.  Contemporaneous  with  this  was  an  act  confer- 
ring freedom  upon  all  colored  soldiers  who  should  serve  in 
the  Union  armies  and  upon  their  families.  The  next  was 
an  act,  which  I  had  the  honor  to  introduce,  prohibiting 
slavery  in  all  the  territories,  and  wherev^er  the  National 
Government  had  jurisdiction.  But  the  great,  the  decisive 
act  of  his  administration,  was  the  "Emancipation  Procla- 
mation." 

EMANCIPATION    PROCLAMATION. 

The  President  had  urged  with  the  utmost  earnestness 
on  the  lo}'al  slave-holders  of  the  Border  States,  gradual  and 
compensated  emancipation,  but  in  vain.  He  clearly  saw, 
all  saw,  that  the  slaves,  as  used  by  the  confederates,  were  a 
vast  power,  contributing  immensely  to  their  ability  to  carry 
on  the  war,  and  that  by  declaring  their  freedom,  he  would 
convert  millions  of  freedftien  into  active  friends  and  allies 
of  the  Union.  The  people  knew  that  he  was  deliberating 
upon  the  question  of  issuing  this  Emancipation  Proclama- 
tion. At  this  crisis,  the  Union  men  of  the  Border  States 
made  an  appeal  to  him  to  withhold  the  edict,  and  suffer 
slavery  to  survive. 

They  selected  John  J.  Crittenden,  a  venerable  and  elo- 
quent man,  and  their  ablest  statesman,  to  make,  on  the  floor 
of  Congress,  a  public  appeal  to  the  President,  to  withhold 
the  proclamation.  Mr.  Crittenden  had  been  governor  of 
Kentucky,  her  senator  in  Congress,  attorney-general  of  the 
United  States,  and  now,  in  his  old  age,  covered  with  honors, 
he  accepted,  like  John  Ouincy  Adams,  a  seat  in  Congress, 
that  in  this  crisis  he  might  help  to  save  his  country. 

He  was  a  sincere  Union  man,  but  believed  it  unwise  to 
disturb  slavery.  In  his  speech,  he  made  a  most  eloquent 
and  touching  appeal  from  a  Kentuckian  to  a  Kentuckian. 
He  said,  among  other  things,  "There  is  a  niche,  near  to  that 
of  Washington,  to  him  who  shall  save  his  country.     If  Mr. 


30 

Lincoln  will  stcj)  into  that  niclic,  the  fouudtT  and  the  pre- 
server of  the  Republic  shall  stand  side  b\'  side."  "  * 
(Owen  Lovejo)',  tlie  brother  of  I^lijah  P.  Lovejo)',  who  liad 
been  mobbed  and  murdered,  because  he  would  not  surren- 
der the  libert)'  of  the  press,  replied  to  Crittenden.  .After 
his  brother's  murder,  kneelin*;  upon  the  green  sod  which 
covered  tliat  brother's  grav^e,  lie  had  taken  a  solemn  vow 
i^{  eternal  war  upon  sla\er\'.  V.xqx  after,  like  Peter  tlie 
Hermit,  with  a  heart  of  fire  and  a  tongue  of  lightning,  he 
liad  gone  forth,  preaching  his  crusade  against  slavery.  At 
length,  in  his  reph',  turning  to  Crittenden,  he  said,  "The 
gentleman  from  Kentuck)'  says  he  has  a  niche  for  Abraham 
Lincoln,  where  is  it.'" 

Crittenden   pointed  toward   Heaven. 

Lovejo}'  continuing  said,  "He  points  upward,  but,  sir! 
if  the  l^resident  follows  the  counsel  of  that  gentleman,  and 
becomes  the  perpetuator  of  slaver}',  he  should  point  doivn- 
ward,  to  some  dungeon  in  the  temple  of  Moloch,  who  feeds 
on  human  blood,  and  where  are  forged  chains  for  human 
limbs;  in  the  recesses  of  whose  temple  woman  is  scourged 
and  man  tortured,  and  outside  the  walls  are  K'ing  dogs, 
gorged  with  human  flesh,  as  B\Ton  describes  them  lying 
around  the  walls  of  Stambool."  "That,"  said  Lovejoy,  "is 
a  suitable  place  Tor  the  statue  of  him  who  would  perpetuate 
sla\er}'. " 

"I,  too,"  said  he,  "ha\e  a  temple  for  Abraham  Lincoln, 
but  it  is  in  freedom's  hol\'  fane,  -  '''  not  surrounded 
by  slave- fetters  and  chains,  but  with  the  s\'mbois  of  free- 
dom— not  dark  w  ith  bondage,  but  radiant  with  the  light  of 
libert)'.  In  that  niche  he  shall  stand  proudl}',  nobh',  glori- 
ously, with  broken  chains  and  slaves"  whips  beneath  his  feet. 
"  ^'  That  is  a  fame  worth  li\ing  for,  a\'e,  more,  it  is  a 
fame  worth  d\ing  for,  though  that  death  led  through  (leth- 
semene  and  the  agon\'  of  the  accursed  tree."        "^'^         "        '^^ 

"It  is  said,"  continued  lie,  "that  W'ilberforce  went  up  to 
the  judgment  seat  witli  the  broken  chains  of  eight  luindred 
tliousand  slaves!      Let   Lincoln  make  himself  the   Liberator, 


28 

and  his  name  shall  be  enrolled,  not  only  in  this  earthly 
temple,  but  it  shall  be  traced  on  the  living  stones  of  that 
temple  which  is  reared  amid  the  thrones  of  Heav^en." 

Lovejoy's  prophecy  has  been  fulfilled — in  this  world — 
you  see  the  statues  to  Lincoln,  with  broken  chains  at  his 
feet,  rising  all  over  the  world,  and — in  that  other  world — 
few  will  doubt  that   the  prophecy  has  been  realized. 

In  September,  1862,  after  the  Confederates,  by  their 
defeat  at  the  great  battle  of  Antietam,  had  been  driven 
back  from  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  Lincoln  issued  the 
Proclamation.  It  is  a  fact,  illustrating  his  character,  and 
showing  that  there  was  in  him  what  many  would  call  a 
tinge  of  superstition,  that  he  declared  to  Secretary  Chase 
that  he  had  made  a  solemn  vow  to  God,  saying,  "if  Gen- 
eral Lee  is  driven  back  from  Pennsylvania,  I  will  crown  the 
result  with  the  declaration  of  P^REEDOM  TO  THE  SLAVE." 
The  final  Proclamation  was  issued  on  the  first  of  January, 
1863.  In  obedience  to  an  American  custom,  he  had  been 
receiving  calls  on  that  New-Year's-day,  and,  for  hours,  shak- 
ing hands.  As  the  paper  was  brought  to  him  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  to  be  signed,  he  said,  "Mr.  Sewa;rd,  I  have  been 
shaking  hands  all  day,  and  my  right  hand  is  almost  para- 
lyzed. If  my  name  ever  gets  into  history,  it  will  be  for  this 
act,  and  my  whole  soul  is  in  it.  If  my  hand  trembles  when 
I  sign  the  proclamation,  those  who  examine  the  document 
hereafter,  will  say,  "he  hesitated." 

Then  resting  his  arm  a  moment,  he  turned  to  the  table, 
took  up  the  pen,  and  slowly  and  firmly  wrote  AbraJiani  Lin- 
coln. He  smiled  as,  handing  the  paper  to  Mr.  Seward,  he 
said,  "that  will  do." 

From  this  day,  to  its  final  triumph,  the  tide  of  victory 
seemed  to  set  more  and  more  in  favor  of  the  Union  cause. 
The  capture  of  Vicksburg,  the  victory  of  Gettysburg,  Chat- 
tanooga, Chickamauga,  Lookout-Mountain,  Missionary  Ridge, 
Sheridan's  brilliant  campaign  in  the  Valley  of  the  Shenan- 
doah; Thomas'  decisive  victory  at  Nashville;  Shermans 
march  through   the  Confederacy  to  the  sea;   the  capture  of 


31 

29 

Fort  McAllister;  X.\\ii  sinkiug  of  tJic  Alnbauia ;  the  taking  of 
Mobile  b\'  Farragut;  the  occupation  of  Columbus,  Charles- 
ton, "Savannah;  the  evacuation  of  Petersburg  aiul  Ivich- 
mond;  the  surrender  of  Lee  to  Grant;  the  taking  of  Jeffer- 
son Davis  a  prisoner;  the  triumph  everywhere  of  the  National 
Arms;  such  were  the  events  which  followed  (though  with 
dela\'s  and  bloodshed)  the  "Proclamation  of  F^mancipation." 

nil-:    AMhNDMliXT    TO    THK   CoNSTlTUTK  )X. 

Meanwhile  Lincoln  had  been  triumphant!}'  reelected, 
Congress  had,  as  before  stated,  abolished  slavery  at  the 
Capital,  prohibited  it  in  all  tlie  territories,  declared  all 
negro  soldiers  in  tlie  Union  armies  and  their  families  free, 
and  had  repealed  all  laws  which  sanctioned  or  recognized 
slavery,  and  the  President  had  crowned  and  consummated 
all  by  the  proclamation  of  emancipation.  One  thing  alone 
remained  to  perfect,  confirm,  and  make  everlastingly  per- 
manent these  measures,  and  this  was  to  embody  in  the  Con- 
stitution itself  the  prohibition  of  slavery  everywhere  within 
the  Republic. 

To  change  the  organic  law,  required  the  adoption  by  a 
two-thirds'  vote  of  a  joint  resolution  b\'  Congress,  and  that 
this  should  be  submitted  to  and  ratified  bv  three-fourths  of 
the  States. 

The  President,  in  his  annual  message  and  in  personal 
interviews  with  members  of  Congress,  urged  the  passage  of 
such  resolution.  To  test  th(?  strength  of  the  measure,  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  I  had  the  honor,  in  February, 
1864,.  to  introduce  the  following  resolution: 

"'Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  sliould  be  so  amended 
as  to  abolish  slaver)-  in  the  United  States  wherever  it  now 
exists,  and  to  prohibit  its  existence  in  e\'er\-  part  thereof 
forever"  (Cong,  (ilobe,  vol.  50,  p.  659).  This  was  adopted 
by  a  decided  vote,  and  was  the  first  resolution  e\'er  passed 
by  Congress  in  favor  of  the  entire  abolition  of  slavery. 
J^ut,  although  it  received  a  majorit}',  it  did  not  receive  a 
majorit}-  of  two-thirds. 


30 


The  debates  on  the  Constitutional  Amendment  (perhaps 
the  greatest  in  our  Congressional  history,  certainly  the  most 
important  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution)  ran  thi'bugh 
two  sessions  of  Congress.  Charles  Sumner,  the  learned  sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts,  brought  to  the  discussion  in  the 
Senate  his  ample  stores  of  historical  illustration,  quoting 
largely  in  its  favor  from  the  historians,  poets,  and  states- 
men of  the  past. 

The  resolution  was  adopted  in  the  Senate  by  the  large 
vote  of  ayes,  38,  noes,  6. 

In  the  lower  House,  at  the  first  session,  it  failed  to 
obtain  a  two -third  vote,  and,  on  a  motion  to  reconsider, 
went  over  to  the  next  session. 

Mr.  Lincoln  again  earnestly  urged  its  adoption,  and  in 
a  letter  to  Illinois  friends,  he  said,  "The  signs  look  better. 
*  ^  Peace  does  not  look  so  distant  as  it  did.  I  hope 
it  will  come  soon,  and  come  to  stay,  and  so  come  as  to  be 
worth  keeping  in  all  future  time." 

I  recall  very  vividly  my  New-Year's-call  upon  the  Presi- 
dent, January,  1864.     I  said: 

'T  hope,  Mr.  President,  one  year  from  today  I  may 
have  the  pleasure  of  congratulating  you  on  the  occurrence 
of  three  events  which  now  seem  probable." 

"What  are  they.''"  inquired  he. 

"I.  That  the  rebellion  may  be  entirely  crushed. 

"2.  That  the  Constitutional  Amendment,  abolishing  and 
prohibiting  slavery,  may  have  been  adopted. 

"3.  And  that  Abraham  Lincoln  may  have  been  re- 
elected  President." 

'T  think,"  replied  he,  with  a  smile,  *T  would  be  glad  to 
accept  the  first  two  as  a  compromise." 

General  Grant,  in  a  letter,  remarkable  for  that  clear 
good-sense  and  practical  judgment  for  which  he  is  distin- 
guished, condensed  into  a  single  sentence  the  political  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  the  Constitutional  Amendment,  "The  North 
and  South,"  said  he,  "can  ;iever  live  at  peace  with  each  other 
except  as  one  nation  and  tliat  zvitJiotit  slavcryT 


31 


32 


(iARllLl.U  S    STKIXII, 


I  would  be  ^lad  to  quote  from  this  great  debate,  but 
must  confine  myself  to  a  brief  extract  from  the  speecli  of 
the  })resent  President,  then  a  member  of  tlie  House.  He 
began  b)'  saying: 

"Mr.  Speaker,  we  shall  never  know  \\h\'  sla\er\'  dies  so 
hard  in  this  Republic  and  in  this  Hall,  until  we  know  why 
sin  outlives  disaster  and  Satan  is  immortal."  "'  '-'^  '- 
"How  well  do  I  remember.  "  he  continued,  "the  history  of 
that  distinguished  predecessor  of  mine,  Joshua  R.  iiiddiugs, 
lateU'  gone  to  his  rest,  who,  w  ith  his  forlorn  hope  of  faith- 
ful men,  took  his  life  in  his  hands  and,  in  the  name  of  Jus- 
tice, protested  against  the  great  crime,  and  who  stood 
brave!}'  in  his  place  until  liis  white  locks,  like  the  plume  of 
Henry  of  Navarre,  marked  where  the  battle  of  freedom 
raged  fiercest."  ■'"  ■"  "In  its  mad  arrogance,  slavery 
lifted  its  hand  against  tlie  Union,  and  since  that  fatal  da}-, 
it  has  been  a  fugitive  and  a  \agabond  upon   the  earth." 

L'p  to  the  last  roll-call,  on  the  question  of  the  passage 
of  the  resolution,  we  were  uncertain  and  anxious  about  the 
result.  We  needed  Democratic  votes.  We  knew  we  should 
get  some,  but  whether  enough  to  carry  the  measure,  none 
could   surely  tell. 

As  the  clerk  called  the  names  of  members,  so  perfect 
was  the  silence  that  the  sound  of  a  hundred  pencils  keeping 
talh'  could  be  heard   throuc^h  the    Hall. 

J'inalU-,  when  the  call  was  completed,  and  the  speaker 
announced  that  the  Resolution  was  adopted,  the  result  was 
received  by  an  uncontrollable  burst  of  enthusiasm.  Mem- 
bers and  spectators  (especiall)'  the  galleries,  which  were 
crowded  with  convalescent  soldiers)  shouted  and  cheered, 
and  before  the  speaker  could  obtain  quiet,  the  roar  of  artil- 
lery on  Capitol  Hill  proclaimed  to  the  Cit>'  of  Washington 
the  passage  of  the  Resolution.  Congress  adjourned,  and  we 
liastened  to  the  White  House  to  congratulate  the  President 
on   the  event. 

He   made  one  of    his   happiest   speeches.      In   his  own 


32 

peculiar  words,  he  said,  '' The  great  job  is  finisJiedr  **I  can 
not  but  congratulate,"  said  he,  "all  present,  myself,  the  coun- 
try, and  the  whole  world  on  this  great  moral  victory." 

PERSONAL   CHARACTP:RISTICS. 

And  now,  with  an  attempt  to  sketch  very  briefly  some 
of  his  peculiar  personal  characteristics,  I   must  close. 

This  great  Hercules  of  a  man  had  a  heart  as  kind  and 
tender  as  a  woman.  Sterner  men  thought  it  a  weakness.  It 
saddened  him  to  see  others  suffer,  and  he  shrunk  from  inflict- 
ing pain.  Let  me  illustrate  his  kindness  and  tenderness  by 
one  or  two  incidents.  One  summer's  day,  walking  along  the 
shaded  path  leading  from  the  Executive-mansion  to  the 
War-office,  I  saw  the  tall,  awkward  form  of  the  President 
seated  on  the  grass  under  a  tree.  A  wounded  soldier,  seek- 
ing back- pay  and  a  pension,  had  met  the  President,  and 
having  recognized  him,  asked  his  counsel.  Lincoln  sat 
down,  examined  the  papers  of  the  soldier,  and  told  him 
what  to  do,  sent  him  to  the  proper  Bureau  with  a  note, 
which  secured  prompt  attention. 

After  the  terribly  destructive  battles  between  Grant  and 
Lee  in  the  Wilderness  of  Virginia,  after  days  of  dreadful 
slaughter,  the  lines  of  ambulances,  conveying  the  wounded 
from  the  steamers  on  the  Potomac  to  the  great  field  hospi- 
tals on  the  heights  around  Washington,  would  be  continu- 
ous,— one  unbroken  line  from  the  wharf  to  the  hospital. 
At  such  a  time,  I  have  seen  the  President  in  his  carriage, 
driving  slowly  along  the  line,  and  he  looked  like  one  who 
had  lost  the  dearest  members  of  his  own  family.  On  one 
such  occasion,  meeting  me,  he  stopped  and  said,  "I  can  not 
bear  this;  this  suffering,  this  loss  of  life — is  dreadful." 

I  recalled  to  him  a  line  from  a  letter  he  had  j^ears  before 
written  to  a  friend  whose  great  sorrow  he  had  sought  to  con- 
sole. Reminding  him  of  the  incident,  I  asked  him,  "Do  you 
remember  writing  to  your  suffering  friend  these  words: 

''And  this  too  shall  pass  away, 
Never  fear.      Victory  will  comer 


33  33 

In  all  his  State  papers  and  speeclies  durin<;  these  years 
of  strife  and  passion,  there  can  be  found  no  words  of  bitter- 
ness, no  denunciation.  When  others  railed,  he  railed  not 
a^ain.  He  was  always  dignified,  ma«^nanimous,  patient,  con- 
siderate, manly,  and  true.  His  duty  was  ever  performed 
"with  malice  toward  non(\  with  charity  for  all,"  and  with 
**firmness  in   the  ri^ht  as  Ciod   ij;;ives  us  to  see  the  riiiht." 

NEVKR    A    1)EMAG()(;UE. 

Lincoln  was  nex'cr  a  demagogue.  He  respected  and 
loved  the  people,  but  never  flattered  them.  No  man  ever 
heard  him  allude  to  his  humble  life  and  manual  labor,  in  a 
way  to  obtain  \'otes.  None  knew  better  than  he,  that  split- 
ting rails  did  not  qualify  a  man  for  public  duties.  He  real- 
ized painfull}'  the  defects  of  his  education,  and  labored 
diligent!}'  and  successfull}-  to  supply  his  deficiencies. 

HIS   CONVERSATION. 

He  had  no  equal  as  a  talker  in  social  life.  His  conver- 
sation was  fascinating  and  attractive.  He  was  full  of  wit, 
humor,  and  anecdote,  and  at  the  same  time,  original,  sug- 
gestive, and  instructive.  There  was  in  his  character  a  sin- 
gular mingling  of  mirthfulness  and  melancholy.  While  his 
sense  of  the  ludicrous  was  keen,  and  his  fun  and  mirth  were 
exuberent,  and  sometimes  almost  irrepressible;  his  conver- 
sation sparkling  with  jest,  stor}%  and  anecdote  and  in  droll 
description,  he  would  pass  suddenly  to  another  mood,  and 
become  sad  and  pathetic  —  a  melancholy  expression  of  his 
homely  face  would  show  that  he  was  "a  man  of  sorrows  and 
acquainted   with  grief." 

HIS   STORIES. 

The  newspapers  in  America  have  alwa}'s  been  full  of 
Lincoln's  stories  and  anecdotes,  some  true  and  man}-  fabu- 
lous. 

He  always  had  a  stor}'  ready,  and  if  not,  he  could  im- 
provise one  just  fitted  for  the  occasion.     The  following  ma}', 

I   think,  be  said   to  hav^c  been  adapted: 

•> 


34 

An  Atlantic  port,  in  one  of  the  British  provinces,  was^ 
during  the  war,  a  great  resort  and  refuge  for  blockade-run- 
ners, and  a  large  contraband  trade  was  said  to  have  been 
carried  on  from  that  port  with  the  Confederates.  Late  in 
the  summer  of  1864,  while  the  election  of  president  was 
pending,  Lincoln  being  a  candidate,  the  Governor-General 
of  that  province,  with  some  of  the  principal  officers,  visited 
Washington,  and  called  to  pay  their  respects  to  the  execu- 
tive. Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  very  much  annoyed  by  the 
failure  of  these  officials  to  enforce  very  strictly  the  rules  of 
neutrality,  but  he  treated  his  guests  with  great  courtesy. 
After  a  pleasant  interview,  the  Governor,  alluding  to  the 
approaching  presidential  election,  said,  jokingly,  but  with  a 
grain  of  sarcasm,  "I  understand,  Mr.  President,  everybody 
votes  in  this  countr}^  If  we  remain  until  November,  can 
we  vote.^" 

"You  remind  me,"  replied  the  President,  "of  a  country- 
man of  yours,  a  green  emigrant  from  Ireland.  Pat  arriv^ed 
in  New  York  on  election-day,  and  was,  perhaps,  as  eager  as 
Your  Excellency  to  vote,  and  to  vote  early  and  late  and 
often.  So,  upon  his  landing  at  Castle  Garden,  he  hastened 
to  the  nearest  voting  place,  and  as  he  approached,  the  judge 
who  received  the  ballots,  inquired,  'who  do  you  want  to  vote 
for.-^  on  which  side  are  you.^'  Poor  Pat  was  embarrassed, 
he  did  not  know  who  were  the  candidates.  He  stopped, 
scratched  his  head,  then,  with  the  readiness  of  his  country- 
men, he  said: 

"'I  am  foment  the  Government,  anyhow.  Tell  me,  if 
your  Honor  plases,  which  is  the  rebellion  side,  and  I'll  tell 
you  how  I  want  to  vote.  In  Ould  Ireland,  I  was  always  on 
the  rebellion  side,  and,  by  Saint  Patrick,  I  '11  stick  to  that 
same  in  America.' 

"Your  Excellency,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "would,  I  should 
think,  not  be  at  all  at  a  loss  on  which  side  to  vote.^" 

THE    BOOKS    HE    READ. 
The  two  books  he  read  most  were  the  Bible  and  Shake- 


,,  34 

spcarc.  With  them  lie  was  famihar,  rcadini;  aiul  i[uoting' 
from  them  constanth'.  Next  to  Shakespeare,  amon<^  the 
poets,  was  l^urns.  witli  whom  he  had  a  hearty  s)'mpathy, 
and  upon  whose  poetr\^  lie  wrote  a  lecture.  He  was 
extremely  fond  of  ballads,  and  of  simple,  sad,  and  ])lain- 
tive   music. 

I  called  one  da\-  at  the  White  House,  to  introduce  two 
officers  of  the  Union  army,  both  Swedes.  Immediatel}'  he 
began  and  repeated  from  memory,  to  the  delight  of  his 
\isitors,  a  long  ballad,  descriptive  of  Norwegian  scenery,  a 
Norse  legend,  and  the  ad\entures  of  an  old  X'iking  among 
the  fiords  of  the   North. 

He  said  he  had  read  the  poem  in  a  newspaper,  and  the 
\isit  of  these  Swedes  recalled   it  to  his  memory. 

On  the  last  Sunda\'  of  his  life,  as  he  was  sailing  up  the 
Potomac,  returniuij  to  Washinc^ton  from  his  \'isit  to  Rich- 
mond,  he  read  aloud  man}-  extracts  from  Macbeth,  and 
among  others,  the  following,  and  with  a  tone  and  accent  so 
impressive  that,  after  his  death,  it  was  \'ividly  recalled  by 
those  who   heard    him: 

"Duncan  is  in  his  grave; 
After  life's  fitful  fever,  he  sleeps  well; 
Treason  has  done  his  worst:  nor  steel,  nor  poison. 
Malice  domestic,  foreign  levy,  nothing, 
Can  touch  him  fui  ther  ! " 

After  his  assassination,  those  friends  could  not  fail  to 
recall  this  passage  from   the  same  play. 

"This  Duncan 
ilatli  borne  his  faculties  so  meek,  hath  been 
.So  clear  in  his  great  office,  that  his  virtues 
Will  plead  like  angels,  trumpet-tongued  against 
The  deep  damnation  of  his  taking-off. " 

HIS    KKI.K.ION. 

It  is  strange  that  an)-  reader  of  Lincoln's  speeches  and 
w  ritings  should  have  had  the  hardihood  to  charge  him  w  ith 
infidelity,  but  the  charge  having  been  repeated!}-  made,  1 
reply,  in    the   light   of  facts  accessible  to  all,  that   no  more 


36 

rev^erent  christian  (not  excepting  Washington)  ever  filled  the 
chair  of  President.  Declarations  of  his  trust  in  God,  his 
faith  in  the  efficacy  of  prayer,  pervade  his  speeches  and 
writings.  From  the  time  he  left  Springfield,  to  his  death, 
he  not  only  himself  continually  prayed  for  Divine  assistance, 
but  never  failed  to  ask  the  prayers  of  others  for  himself  and 
his  country. 

His  reply  to  the  negroes  of  Baltimore,  who,  in  1864, 
])resented  him  with  a  beautiful  Bible,  as  an  expression  of 
their  love  and  gratitude,  ought  to  have  silenced  all  who  have 
made  such  charges.  After  thanking  them,  he  said,  "  This 
great  book  is  the  best  gift  God  has  given  to  man.  All  the 
good  from  the  Saviour  of  the  world  is  communicated  through 
this  book." 

When  a  member  of  Congress,  knowing  his  religious 
character,  asked  him  "why  he  did  not  join  some  church.^" 
Mr.  Lincoln  replied,  "Because  I  found  difficulty,  without 
mental  reservation,  in  giving  my  assent  to  their  long  and 
complicated  confessions  of  faith.  When  any  church  will 
inscribe  over  its  altar  the  Saviour's  condensed  statement  of 
law  and  gospel,  'Thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with 
all  thy  heart,  with  all  thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy  mind,  and 
thy  neighbor  as  thyself,"  that  church  will  I  join  with  all  my 
heart." 

WHAT    HE   ACCOMPLISHED. 

Let  us  try  to  sum  up  in   part  what  he  accomplished. 

When  he  assumed  the  duties  of  the  executive,  he  found 
an  empty  treasury,  the  National  credit  gone,  the  little 
nucleus  of  an  armv  and  nav\-  scattered  and  disarmed,  the 
officers,  who  had  not  deserted  to  the  rebels,  strangers;  the 
party  which  elected  him  in  a  minorit}'  (he  having  been 
elected  only  because  his  opponents  were  divided  between 
Douglas,  Breckenridge,  and  Everett),  the  old  Democratic 
party,  which  had  ruled  most  of  the  time  for  half  a  century, 
hostile,  and  even  that  part  of  it  in  the  North,  from  long- 
association,  in  s}'mpath}-  with  the  insurgents;  his  own  party 


35 

o  / 

iiuide  up  of  discordant  elements,  and  neither  he  nor  his 
party  had  acciuired  prestige  and  the  confidence  of  the  peo- 
ple. It  is  the  exact  truth  to  say  that  when  he  entered  the 
f[7//A'  House  he  was  the  object  of  personal  prejudice  to  a 
niajoritv  of  the  American  people,  and  of  contempt  to  a 
powerful  minorit}'.  He  entered  upon  his  task  of  restoring 
the  integrity  of  a  brc^ken  Union,  without  sympath\-  from 
an)'  of  the  great  powers  of  Western  r>urope.  Those  which 
were  not  hostile,  manifested  a  cold  neutrality,  exhibiting 
toward  him  and  his  government  no  cordfal  good -will,  nor 
extending  an\'  moral  aid.  Vet,  in  spite  of  all,  he  crushed 
the  most  stupendous  rebellion,  supported  by  armies  more 
vast,  by  resources  greater,  and  an  organization  more  per- 
fect than  ever  before  undertook  the  dismemberment  of  a 
nation.  He  united  and  held  together,  ai/ainst  contending 
factions,  his  o\\\\  part}',  and  strengthened  it  by  securing  the 
confidence  and  winning  the  support  of  the  best  part  of  all 
parties.  He  composed  the  cjuarrels  of  rival  generals;  and 
at  length,  won  the  respect  and  confidence  and  sympathy  of 
all  nations  and  peoples.  He  was  reelected,  almost  by  accla- 
mation, and  after  a  series  of  brilliant  victories,  he  annihilated 
all  armed  opposition.  He  led  the  people,  step  b}'  step,  to 
emancipation,  and  saw  his  work  crowned  b\'  an  amendment 
of  the  Constitution,  eradicating  and  prohibiting  sla\er)'  for- 
ever throughout  the  Republic. 

Such  is  a  brief  and  imperfect  summary  of  his  achieve- 
ments during  the  last  five  years  of  his  life.  And  this  good 
man,  when  the  hour  of  victory  came,  made  it  not  the  hour 
of  vengeance,  but  of  forgiveness  and  reconciliation. 

These  five  years  of  incessant  labor  and  fearful  responsi- 
bilit}'  told  even  upon  his  strength  and  vigor.  He  left  Illinois 
for  the  Capital  with  a  frame  of  iron  and  nerves  of  steel. 
His  old  friends  who  had  known  him  as  a  man  who  did  not 
know  what  illness  was  ;  who  had  seen  him  on  the  prairies 
before  the  Illinois  courts,  full  of  life,  genial,  and  sparkling 
with  fun;  now  saw  the  wrinkles  on  his  forehead  deepened 
into  furrows — the  laugh  of  the  old  days  lost  its  heartiness; 


38 


anxiety,  responsibility,  care,  and  hard  work  wore  upon  him, 
and  his  nerv^es  of  steel,  at  times,  became  irritable.  He  had 
had  no  respite,  had  taken  no  holidays.  When  others  fled 
away  from  the  dust  and  heat  of  the  Capital,  he  stayed.  He 
would  not  leave  the  helm  until  all  danger  was  past,  and  the 
good  ship  of  state  had  made  her  port. 

1  will  not  dwell  upon  the  unutterable  sorrow  of  the 
American  people  at  his  shocking  death.  But  I  desire  to 
express  here,  in  this  great  City  of  this  grand  Empire,  the 
scnsibilit}'  with  which  the  people  of  the  United  States 
received,  at   his  death,  the  sympathy  of  the  English-speak- 


ing race. 


That  sympathy  was  most  eloquently  expressed  by  all. 
It  came  from  Windsor  Castle  to  the  White  House;  from 
England's  widowed  Oueen  to  the  stricken  and  distracted 
widow  at  Washington.  Erom  Parliament  to  Congress,  from 
the  people  of  all  this  magnificent  Empire,  as  it  stretches 
round  the  world.  Erom  England  to  India,  from  Canada  to 
Australia,  came  words  of  deep  feeling,  and  they  were 
received  by  the  American  people,  in  their  sore  bereave- 
ment, as  the  expression  of  a  kindred  race. 

I  can  not  forbear  referring  in  particular  to  the  words 
spoken  in  Parliament  on  that  occasion  by  Lords  Russell  and 
Derby,  and,  especially,  by  that  great  and  picturesque  leader, 
so  lately  passed  away.  Lord  J^eaconsfield.  After  a  discrimi- 
nating eulogy  upon  the  late  President,  and  the  expression  of  • 
profound  sympathy,  he  said : 

"Nor  is  it  possible  for  the  people  of  P^ngland,  at  such  a 
moment,  to  forget  that  he  sprang  from  the  same  father-land 
and  spake  the  same  mother-tongue." 

God  grant  that,  in  all  the  unknown  future,  nothing  may 
ever  disturb  the  friendly  feeling  and  respect  which  each 
nation  entertains  for  the  other.  May  there  never  be  another 
quarrel  in  the  family. 


36 

39 


I'm  PKKSiDfNc.  Ofkickr,  at  the  conclusion  called  upon  Mr. 
V.  G.  l''i.iAN,  M.A..  who,  speaking  of  the  synipatii)-  which  existed 
between  the  mother-country  and  the  great  American  nation,  attri- 
buted it  in  some  degree  to  tiie  influence  of  tin,'  interchange  of  the 
literature  of  the  two  countries,  and  showed  that  that  influence, 
though  of  a  comparatively  recent  date,  was  daily  becoming  more 
widely  and  deeply  ifelt,  and  would  continue  to  grow.  He  spoke 
in.  sympathetic  terms  of  the  admiration  borne  in  this  country  for 
the  character  and  work  of  the  lamented  Lincoln,  and  of  the  in- 
tense earnestness  with  which  the  operative  classes  in  this  countrx 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  North  during  the  great  war.  Though 
that  earnestness  was  undoubtedly,  in  some  measure,  due  to  the  sad 
effects  which  the  paralysis  of  the  cotton  industry  produced  in  the 
great  manufacturing  districts,  he  knew,  from  personal  observation 
and  exi)erience  during  that  trying  time,  that  it  was  also  due  to  the 
inherent  love  of  liberty,  deep-seated  in  the  heart  of  England,  and 
ever  ready  to  succor  the  oppressed  of  all  nations  and  to  help  those 
■who  were  fighting  for  the  cause  of  freedom. 

Mr.    Tiiu   PAi.i.iAKDiM   followed  and  said: 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladiks,  and  (iKNTLEMAX:  —  Seldom  have  I 
listened  to  a  paper  that  has  so  deeply  interested  me.  It  has  given 
us  a  living  portrait  of  one  of  the  most  remarkable  individualities  ot 
recent  times — a  portrait,  too,  traced  by  the  hand  of  one  who,  hav- 
ing himself  taken  a  prominent  i)art  in  the  great  national  struggle 
which  put  an  end  to  slavery,  had  constant  opportunities  of  seeing 
and  studying  in  every  phase  of  his  life  the  eminent  man  he  has  so 
graphically  portrayed.  And  though  it  has  been  said  that  familiarity 
breeds  contempt,  and  that  there  is  no  hero  for  his  valet,  yet  men  of 
the  Garibaldi  and  Lincoln  type,  whose  influence  on  their  country 
and  mankind  at  large  is  chiefly  du-?  to  mornl  force,  can  only  gain 
by  a  closer  view  of  them  in  their  prosaic  every-day  life.  When  we 
see  the  gentler  feelings  of  the  human  heart  combined  in  a  ])romi- 
nent  man  with  a  rigid  sense  of  duty  and  the  intellectual  power  and 
perseverance  necessary  l(;  fulfil  that  dut),  we  not  only  admire  that 
man,  but  revere  and  love  him.  Hence  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  pre- 
server, as  Washington  was  the  founder  of  the  great  L'nion,  always, 
1  must  confess,  stood   hitiher  in  mv  estimation  and  love  than  all   the 


40 

Alexanders,  Caesars,  and  Napoleons  who  have  reddened  the  pages 
of  history  with  their  briUiant  exploits. 

Before  his  time,  I  was  often  taunted  by  my  French  republican 
friends  for  showing  but  scant  enthusiasm  for  "La  grande  Repub- 
lique  Americaine."  In  answer,  I  pointed  to  the  huge  black  spot 
which,  though  it  only  covered  half,  yet  extended  its  moral  taint  ta 
the  whole  of  the  otherwise  glorious  Union.  That  could  not  be  the 
model  land  of  Liberty  where  millions  of  our  fellow-creatures  were 
born  to  slavery,  to  be  bought  and  sold  like  swine. 

But  when  the  great  deliverer  arose,  humble  though  his  origin^ 
as  is  that  of  most  deliverers,  my  sentiments  toward  America 
changed.  I  hailed  him  with  enthusiasm  and  stood  almost  alone 
in  my  circle,  composed  chiefly  of  readers  of  the  conservative  and 
semi-conservative  press;  for,  to  their  shame  and  ultimate  discom" 
fiture,  the  leading  papers  almost  all  took  the  wrong  side,  prophesy- 
ing continuous  disasters  to  the  anti-slavery  party  and  a  consequent 
disruption  of  the  Union.  Their  grand  but  specious  argument, 
which  misled  many  honest  minds,  ignorant  of  the  history  of  the 
several  States,  was  that  the  South  had  as  much  right  to  fight  for 
their  liberty  as  the  United  States  themselves  had  to  fight  for  their 
independence  against  England.  Liberty,  indeed!  The  liberty  to 
perpetuate  the  curse  of  slavery! 

But  Americans  must  not  judge  of  British  sentiments  by  the 
conservative  press,  which  only  represents  a  portion  of  the  public^ 
but  which,  unfortunately,  was  that  which  most  easily  found  its  way 
across  the  Atlantic.  The  real  heaft  of  Great  Britain  was  from  the 
beginning  with  the  North.  Indeed,  Lincoln's  warmest  sympathizers- 
were  those  who  suffered  most  from  the  direful  American  civil  con- 
test— the  cotton-spinners  and  the  whole  body  of  the  working  classes. 
And  as  nothing  succeeds  like  success,  I  am  bound  to  add  that  in 
the  process  of  time  the  undaunted  determination  of  the  Northern 
States,  under  a  series  of  alarming  defeats,  with  their  best  trained 
generals  and  officers,  and  their  chief  arsenals  on  the  side  of  the 
slave-holders,  gradually  gained  for  them  and  for  their  great  inspirer^ 
Abraham  Lincoln,  the  respect  and  admiration  of  all  parties — and 
this  admiration  and  this  respect  were  vastly  increased  when,  in  the 
hour  of  victory,  all  cries  for  vengeance  were  hushed,  and  the  hand 
of  brotherhood  was  held  out  to  the  defeated  party  by  the  noble- 
hearted  President  with  the  full  consent  of  his  victorious  country- 
men. 


37 

And  now  that  what  was  deemed  impossible  is  an  accomphshed 
fact,  7'iz.:  the  abomination  of  slavery  eradicated  forever  from  the 
great  American  Republic,  and  Peace  and  Prosperity  restored 
throughout  the  land,  I  trust  thai,  in  Mr.  Arnold's  own  words, 
"nothing  may  ever  disturb  the  friendly  feeling  and  respect  which 
each  of  the  great  Anglo-Saxon  Nations  entertains  for  the  other." 

Already  have  .  they  given  a  striking  proof  of  their  advanced 
civilization  and  friendly  feelings,  and  a  noble  example  to  all  other 
civilized  nations,  in  the  peaceful  settlement  of  the  burning  Alabama 
c[uestion,  which,  but  one  generation  ago,  would  most  certainly  have 
led  to  an  obstinate  war,  ruinous  to  both  countries.  That  the  deci- 
sion of  the  neutral  body  of  Arbitrators  yas  impartial  and  tolerably 
just  was  proved  by  its  giving  at  the  lime  entire  satisfaction  to  nei- 
ther party,  the  whole  question  being,  however,  soon  after  completely 
dropped,  leaving  no  angry  feelings  behind,  as  would  have  done  a 
war  however  successful  in  the  end.  May  God  grant  that  any  future 
differences  between  these  two  great  nations  having  a  common 
origin,  a  common  language,  a  common  literature,  and  so  many  in- 
stitutions in  common,  be  settled  in  the  same  just,  friendly,  and 
rational  manner.  No  fratricidal  war  must  or  can  ever  arise  between 
them.  All  their  future  battles  must  be  fought  on  the  peaceful  fields 
of  science,  literature,  and  the  industrial  arts.  Victories  on  these 
fields  will  benefit  both,  and  the  whole  human  race  into  the  bargain. 

I  will  now  conclude  these  hasty  remarks  by  proposing  a  hearty 
vote  of  thanks  to  the  Hon.  Isaac  N.  Arnold  for  his  very  valuable 
and  interesting  paper. 

^Vhich  was  unanimously  adopted. 


42 


NOTE  FROM  THE  RIGHT  HON.  JOHN  BRIGHT: 

No.  132  Piccadilly,  London, 
Jime  28th,  '81. 
Dear  Sir: 

T  have  read  with  much  pleasure  your  interesting  paper  on 
President  Lincoln.  I  wish  all  men  could  read  it,  for  the  Hfe  of 
your  great  President  affords  much  that  tends  to  advance  all  that 
is  good  and  noble  among  men.  I  thank  you  for  sending  me  the 
report  of  your  paper. 

i^am,  very  sincerely  yours, 

John  Bright. 
Hon.  Isaac  N.  Arnold. 


LP:TTER  from  MRS.  ANNE  C.  BOTTA: 

Buckingham  Palace  Hotel, 
yiiue  22d^  188 I. 
My  Dear  Mr.  Arnold: 

An  hour  ago  I  opened  the  pamphlet  you  gave  me  yesterday, 
intending  to  glance  at  the  contents  and  lay  it  aside  to  read  when  I 
reached  home,  but  I  found  myself  unable  to  lay  it  down  mitil  I  had 
carefully  read  every  word  from  first  to  last.     It  is  certainly  the  most 
clear,  exhaustive,  and  eloquent  tribute  to  Mr.  Lincoln  that  I  have 
ever  seen.     But  the  pleasure  it  has  given  me  is  quite  equalled  by 
the  pride  I  feel  in  knowing  that  it  was  listened  to  by  the  London 
Historical  Society,  to  whom  it  must  have  been  as  novel  as  interest- 
ing.    As  a  good  American,  I  thank  you  cordially  for  thus  giving  to 
the  English  people  so  noble  a  picture  of  our  great  President,  while 
at  the  same  time,  you  presented  to  them  in  person  his  able  friend 
and  coadjutor. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Anne  C.  Botta. 


43  38 


'Hie  following  account  of  the  meeting  is  taken  from  a  letter  of 
MoNCURK  I).   C(iNWAY,  to  the  Cincinnati  Commercial : 

London,  June   18,  1881. 

On  Thursday  evening,  an  unusually  large  comi)any  of  ladies 
and  gentlemen  gathered  in  the  rooms  of  tlic  Royal  Historical 
Society  to  listen  to  a  pa])er  on  Abraham  i-incoln,  by  Hon.  Isaar 
N.  Arnold,  President  of  the  Chicago  Historical  Society,  autlior  also 
of  the  "Life  of  Benedict  Arnold,  "  who  was  in  no  sense  his  ances- 
tor. *  * 

Mr.  Arnold,  who  was  accompanied  by  Mr.  Mathews  (author  of 
"(letting  on  in  Life")  and  Mrs.  Mathews,  was  a  remarkable  figure 
among  the  blonde  and  ruddy  Knglish  people  around  him,  and  who 
greeted  him  with  great  cordiality.  He  is  a  tall,  lithe,  sinewy  sort  of 
man,  with  a  brownish  complexion,  a  fine  forehead,  a  (juick,  penetrat- 
ing eye,  and  a  face  whose  many  lines  are  not  the  marks  of  age  or 
care,  but  the  inscriptions  of  experience.  It  was  grateful  to  sec  such 
a  typical  western  man,  so  self-poised  and  dignified,  so  related  to  his 
American  habitat,  and  yet  so  human  in  his  sympathies,  come  to  tell 
the  Entflish  about  our  martvr  President.  As  he  went  on,  I  felt  that 
the  dreary  disquisition  [referring  to  a  i)aper  which  had  been  read 
previously]  which  we  liad  been  enduring,  now  added  to  the  pictu- 
resqueness  of  the  situation.  It  was  as  if,  while  we  were  fumbling 
in  the  Valley  of  Dry  Bones,  })icking  up  now  Saladin's  skull,  next 
Urban's  thigh-bone,  suddenly  our  eyes  were  caught  by  the  eye  and 
front  of  a  man  worth  many  Saladin.s,  and  a  Crusader  saving  races 
instead  of  destroying  them.  It  is  not  often  that  the  Royal  Histori- 
cal Society  has  an  opportunity  of  considering  history  in  the  making, 
but  the  satisfaction  with  which  it  a\ailed  itself  of  that  given  it  on 
Thursday,  may  have  the  result  of  multiplying  such  opportunities. 

After  a  graceful  recognition  of  the  debt  .Americans  owe  to  their 
British  ancestors,  a  debt  repaid  in  giving  to  the  Knglish-speaking 
world  Washington  and  Lincoln.  Mr.  Arnold  stated  modestly  his  long 
ac(}uaintance  with  the  man  of  whom  he  was  speaking.  He  knew 
him,  somewhat  intimately,  in  i)rivate  and  public  life  for  more  than 
twenty  years.  He  gave  a  grai)hic  account  of  the  shooting  of  Lin- 
coln's grandtather  by  an  Indian;  Mordecai's  shooting  the  Lidian 
through  a  loop-hole  of  their  cabin,  as  he  (the  Indian)  was  carrying 
off  his  younger  brother  'i'homas,  who  lived  to  become  father  of  the 
President.  A  good  ])icture  in  frontier  life  was  drawn  in  few  words, 
and  the  figure  of  young  Abraham,  "his  head  protected  from  the 
cold  by  a  cap  made  of  the  skin  of  the  coon,  fox,  or  i)rairie-wolf," 
and  with  the  "buckskin  breeches  and  hunting-shirt  of  the  pioneer." 
"He  grew  up  to  be  a  man  of  majestic  stature  and  herculean  strength. 
Had  he  appeared  in  England  or  Normandy  some  centuries  ago,  he 
would  have  been  the  founder  of  some  I'aronial  family,  ])ossil)le  of  a 


44 

Royal  dynasty.  He  could  have  wielded  with  ease  the  two-handed 
sword  of  Guy,  or  the  battle-ax  of  Richard  of  the  I,ion-heart."'  The 
kindliness  and  fine  feeling  of  this  man,  so  roughly  nurtured,  were 
brought  out  with  art  by  Mr.  Arnold,  and  all  present  were  impressed 
by  the  pathos  of  the  scene  when  Lincoln  was  leaving  his  neighbors 
to  assume  the  hard  duties  of  his  Presidency.  *  *  "*  He 
told  some  touching  incidents  in  the  life  of  Lincoln  at  Washing- 
ton, and  gave  an  excellent  account  of  his  personal  characteristics. 
Among  other  things  he  related  that  when  a  member  of  Congress 
asked  him  why  he  did  not  join  some  church,  Lincoln  replied:  "Be- 
cause I  found  difficulty,  without  mental  reservation,  in  giving  my 
consent  to  the  long  and  complicated  confessions  of  faith.  When 
any  church  will  inscribe  over  its  altar  the  Saviour's  condensed  state- 
ment of  law  and  gospel,  'Thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  all 
thy  heart,  with  all  thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy  mind,  and  thy  neighbor 
as  thyself,'  that  church  will  T  join  with  all  my  heart."  [The  substi- 
tution of  "gospel''  for  Christ's  word,  "prophets,"  in  this  story  is  an 
indication  of  how  new  versions  are  made  by  other  than  royal  com- 
missions.] This  anecdote,  like  several  other  things  in  Mr.  Arnold's 
essay,  was  warmly  applauded.  The  reader  showed  a  good  deal  of 
feeling  when  he  described  Lincoln  near  the  close  of  his  career. 
"He  left  Illinois  for  the  Capital,  with  a  frame  of  iron  and  nerves  of 
steel.  His  old  friends  who  had  known  him  as  a  man  who  did  not 
know  what  illness  was,  who  had  seen  him  on  the  prairies  before  the 
Illinois  courts,  full  of  life,  genial,  and  sparkling  with  fun,  now  saw 
wrinkles  on  his  forehead  deepened  into  furrows — the  laugh  of  the 
old  days  lost  its  heartiness;  anxiety,  responsibility,  care,  and  hard 
work  wore  upon  him,  and  his  nerves  of  steel  at  times  became  irri- 
table. He  had  no  respite,  had  taken  no  holidays.  When  others 
fled  away  from  the  dust  and  heat  of  the  Capital,  he  stayed.  He 
would  not  leave  the  helm  until  all  danger  was  past,  and  the  good 
ship  of  state  had  made  her  port.'" 

When,  in  conclusion,  Mr.  Arnold  spoke  with  earnestness  of  the 
sympathy  which  came  from  the  English-speaking  race  at  Lincoln's 
death,  and  of  the  sympathy  which  "came  from  Windsor  Castle  to 
the  AVhite  House,"  it  is  probable  that  his  words  carried  suggestions 
which  he  had  not  thought  of         '^         *         * 


39 

4.^ 


-   NOTE  FROM   ROHl-RT  T.   LINCOLN: 

War  Di:rARTMENT,  Washington, 

Aug.  20,  1 88 1. 
Mv  Dkar  Mr.  Arnold: 

Please  accept  my  thanks  for  the  cop\'  of  }'our 

address  before  the  Royal    Historical  Societ)-,  which   I   have 

read  carefully  and  with  the  greatest  pleasure. 

I  tell  vou  sincerch'  that  1  ha\'e  never  seen  an\'thin"" 
of  the  character  so  gratif\'ing  to  myself  and  so  complete. 
General  R.  S.  Drum,  our  adjutant  -  general,  has  also  read 
your  lecture.  He  is  a  very  warm  friend  of  my  father,  and 
is  very  anxious  to  have  a  copy  for  preservation. 

I  will  be  very  much  obliged  if  \'ou  can  send  one, 
either  directly  to  him  or  to  me  for  him,  as  I  wish  to  keep 
the  copy   I    now  have  for  myself 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

Robert  T.  Lincoln. 
Hon.   1.  N.  .\rnoli), 

Chicago. 


40 


'\ 


4 


41 


A 


^^^^ 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 


Read  before  The  Royal  Historical  Society, 
London,  June  16111,   1881. 

BY 

Hon.    ISAAC    N.    ARNOLD,  F.R.H.S. 


i/ 


STEPHEN  A.  DOLGLAS: 

AN    EULOGY 

Delivered  before  The  Chicago  University, 

July  31),  1861. 

BY 

Hon.  JAMES  W.  SHEAHAN. 


CHICAGO: 

FERGU.S    PRINTING   COMPANY, 
1  881. 


43 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


Bv  HON.   ISAAC  N.   ARNOLD. 


A  Paper  read  before  the  Royal  Historical  Society,   London,  June  16,  1881. 

Thk  noblest  inheritance  we,  Americans,  derive  from 
our  British  ancestors  is  the  memory  and  example  of  the 
great  and  good  men  who  adorn  }'our  history.  They  are 
as  much  appreciated  and  honored  on  our  side  of  the 
Atlantic  as  on  this.  In  giving  to  the  English-speaking 
world  Washington  and  Lincoln  we  think  we  repa\',  in 
large  part,  our  obligation.  Their  preeminence  in  Ameri- 
can histor\'  is  recognized,  and  the  republic,  which  the  one 
founded  and  the  other  preserved,  has,  alread)',  crowned 
theni  as  models  for  her  children. 

In  the  annals  of  almost  every  great  nation  some  names 
appear  standing  out  clear  and  prominent,  names  of  those 
who  have  influenced,  or  controlled,  the  great  events  which 
make  up  history.  Such  were  Wallace  and  Bruce,  in  Scot- 
land. Alfred  and  the  Edwards,  William  the  Conqueror. 
Cromwell,  Pitt,  Nelson,  and  Wellington,  in  England,  and 
such  in  a  still  greater  degree  were  Washington  and  Lincoln. 

I  am  here,  from  near  his  home,  with  the  hope  that  I 
may,  to  some  extent,  aid  \'ou  in  forming  a  just  and  true 
estimate  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  I  knew  him,  somewhat 
intimately,  in  private  and  public  life  for  more  than  twent\' 
years.  \\'e  practised  law  at  the  same  bar,  and,  during 
his  administration,  I  was  a  member  of  Congress,  seeing 
him  and  conferring  with  him  often,  and,  therefore,  I  ma\' 
hope  without  vanit>',  I  trust  that  I  shall  be  able  to  con- 
tribute something  of  \'alue  in  enabling  you  to  judge  of 
him.  We  in  America,  as  well  as  \'ou  in  the  old  world, 
believe  that  "blood  will  tell;"  that  it  is  a  great  blessing 
to  have  had  an  honorable  and  worth)'  ancestry.  We 
12 


1 66  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

believ^e  that  moral  principle,  physical  and  intellectual 
vigor  in  the  forefathers  are  qualities  likely  to  be  mani- 
fested in  the  descendants.  Fools  are  not  the  fathers  or 
mothers  of  great  men.  I  claim  for  Lincoln,  humble  as 
was  the  station  to  which  he  was  born,  and  rude  and 
rough  as  were  his  early  surroundings,  that  he  had  such 
ancestors.  I  mean  that  his  father  and  mother,  his  grand- 
father and  grandmother,  and  still  further  back,  however 
humble  and  rugged  their  condition,  were  physically  and 
mentally  strong,  vigorous  men  and  women;  hardy  and 
successful  pioneers  on  the  frontier  of  American  civilization. 
They  were  among  the  early  settlers  in  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
and  Illinois,  and  knew  how  to  take  care  of  themselves  in 
the  midst  of  difficulties  and  perils;  how  to  live  and  suc- 
ceed when  the  weak  would  perish.  These  ancestors  of 
Lincoln,  for  several  generations,  kept  on  the  very  crest 
of  the  wave  of  Western  settlements  —  on  the  frontier, 
where  the  struggle  for  life  was  hard  and  the  strong  alone 
survived. 

His  grandfather,  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  his  father, 
Thomas,  were  born  in  Rockingham  County,  Virginia. 

About  1 78 1,  while  his  father  was  still  a  lad,  his  grand- 
father's family  emigrated  to  Kentuck}%  and  was  a  contem- 
porary with  Daniel  Boone,  the  celebrated  Indian  fighter 
and  early  hero  of  that  State.  This,  a  then  wild  and 
wooded  territory,  was  the  scene  of  those  fierce  and  des- 
perate conflicts  between  the  settlers  and  the  Indians 
which  gave  it  the  name  of  "The  dark  and  bloody  ground." 

When  Thomas  Lincoln,  the  father  of  the  President,  was 
six  years  old,  his  father  (Abraham,  the  grandfather  of 
the  President)  was  shot  and  instantl}*  killed  by  an  Indian. 
The  boy  and  his  father  were  at  work  in  the  corn-field, 
near  their  log-cabin  home.  ]\Iordecai,  the  elder  brother  of 
the  lad,  at  work  not  far  away,  witnessed  the  attack.  He 
saw  his  father  fall,  and  ran  to  the  cabin,  seized  his  ready- 
loaded  rifle  and  springing  to  the  loop-hole  cut  through 
the  logs,  he  saw  the  Indian,  who  had  seized  the  boy, 
carrying  him  away.  Raising  his  rifle  and  aiming  at  a 
silver  medal,  conspicuous  on  the  breast  of  the  Indian,  he 
instantly  fired.  The  Indian  fell,  and  the  lad,  springing 
to  his  feet,  ran  to  the   open  arms  of  his  mother,  at  the 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  167 

cabin  door.  Amidst  such  scenes,  the  Lincohi  faniil\-  natu- 
ralK'  produced  rude,  rough,  liardy,  and  fearless  men, 
famihar  witli  wood -craft  ;  men  wlio  could  meet  the 
extremes  of  exposure  and  fatigue,  who  knew  how  to  find 
food  and  shelter  in  the  forest;  men  of  great  powers  of 
endurance  —  brave  and  self-reliant,  true  and  faithful  to 
their  friends  and  dangerous  to  their  enemies.  Men  with 
minds  to  conceive  and  hands  to  execute  bold  enterprises. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  grandfather,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  is  noted  on  the  surveys  of  Daniel  Hoone  as  hav- 
ing purchased,  of  the  Government,  fi\'e  hundred  acres  of 
land.  Thomas  Lincoln,  the' father,  was  also  the  purchaser 
of  government  land,  and  President  Lincoln  left,  as  a  part 
of  his  estate,  a  quarter- section  (one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres),  which  he  had  received  from  the  United  States,  for 
services  rendered  in  earl)'  life  as  a  volunteer  soldier,  in  the 
Black- Hawk  Indian  war.  Thus  for  three  generations  the 
Lincoln  famil)'  were  land-owners  directly  from  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

Such  was  the  lineage  and  famil\'  from  which  President 
Lincoln  sprung.  Such  was  the  enx'ironmcnt  in  which  his 
character  was  developed. 

He  was  born  in  a  log-cabin,  in  Kentuck}-,  on  the  12th 
of  February,  1809. 

It  will  aid  you  in  picturing  to  }'ourself  this  young  man 
and  his  surroundings,  to  know  that,  from  boyhood  to  the 
age  of  twenty-one,  in  winter  his  head  was  protected  from 
the  cold  by  a  cap  made  of  the  skin  of  the  coon,  fox,  or 
prairie-wolf,  and  that  he  often  wore  the  buckskin  breeches 
and  hunting-shirt  of  the  pioneer. 

He  grew  up  to  be  a  man  of  majestic  stature  and  Her- 
culean strength.  Had  he  appeared  in  England  or  Nor- 
mandy, some  centuries  ago,  he  would  have  been  the 
founder  of  some  great  Baronial  famil\',  possibly  of  a 
Royal  dynasty.  He  could  have  wielded,  with  ease,  the 
two-handed  sword  of  Gu\',  the  great  I^arl  of  Warwick,  or 
the  battle-axe  of  Richard  of  the  Lion-heart. 

HIS    EDUCATION    AND    TRAINING. 

The  world  is  naturall)'  interested  in  knowing  what  was 
the  education   and   training  which   fitted    Lincoln   for  the 


-A- 


l68  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

great  work  which  he  accompHshed.  On  the  extreme 
frontier,  the  means  of  book-learning  was  very  hmited. 
The  common  free  schools,  which  now  closely  follow  the 
heels  of  the  pioneer  and  organized  civil  government,  and 
prevail  all  over  the  United  States,  had  not  then  reached 
the  Far -West.  An  itinerant  school-teacher  wandered 
occasionally  into  a  settlement,  opened  a  private  school 
for  a  few  months,  and,  at  such,  Lincoln  attended  at  differ- 
ent times  in  all  about  twelve  months.  His  mother,  who 
was  a  woman  of  practical  good  sense,  of  strong  physical 
organization,  of  deep  religious  feeling,  gentle  and  self- 
reliant,  taught  him  to  read  and  write. 

Although  she  died  when  he  was  only  nine  years  old, 
she  had  already  laid  deep  the  foundations  of  his  excel- 
lence. Perfect  truthfulness  and  integrity,  love  of  justice, 
self-control,  reverence  for  God,  these  constituted  the  solid 
basis  of  his  character.  These  were  all  implanted  and 
carefully  cultivated  by  his  mother,  and  he  always  spoke 
of  her  with  the  deepest  respect  and  the  most  tender  affec- 
tion. "  All  that  1  am,  or  hope  to  be,"  said  he,  when 
President,  *T  owe  to  my  sainted  mother." 

He  early  manifested  the  most  eager  desire  to  learn,  but 
there  were  no  libraries,  and  few  books  in  the  back  settle- 
ments in  which  he  lived.  Among  the  stray  volumes, 
which  he  found  in  the  possession  of  the  illiterate  families 
by  which  he  was  surrounded,  were  yEsop's  Fables,  Bun- 
yan's  Pilgrim's  Progress,  a  life  of  Washington,  the  poems 
of  Burns,  and  the  Bible.  To  these  his  reading  was  con- 
fined, and  he  read  them  over  and  over  again,  until  they 
became  as  familiar  almost  as  the  alphabet.  His  memory 
was  marv^ellous,  and  I  never  yet  met  the  man  more 
familiar  with  the  Bible  than  Abraham  Lincoln.  This 
was  apparent  in  after-life,  both  from  his  conversation  and 
writings,  scarcely  a  speech  or  state  paper  of  his  in  which 
illustrations  and  allusions  from  the  Bible  can  not  be  found. 

While  a  young  man,  he  made  for  himself,  of  coarse 
paper,  a  scrap-book,  into  which  he  copied  everything 
which  particularly  pleased  him.  He  found  an  old  English 
grammar,  which  he  studied  by  himself;  and  he  formed, 
from  his  constant  study  of  the  Bible,  that  simple,  plain, 
clear  Anglo-Saxon  style,  so  effective  with  the  people.     He 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  1 69 

illustrated  the  maxim  that  it  is  better  to  know  thoroughly 
a  few  good  books  than  to  skim  over  man}'.  When  fifteen 
years  old,  he  began  (with  a  view  of  improving  himself)  to 
write  on  various  subjects  and  to  practise  in  making  politi- 
cal and  other  speeches.  These  he  made  so  amusing  and 
attractive  that  his  father  had  to  forbid  his  making  them 
in  working-hours,  for,  said  he,  "when  Abe  begins  to  speak, 
all  the  hands  flock  to  hear  him."  His  memory  was  so 
retentive  that  he  could  repeat,  verbatim,  the  sermons  and 
political  speeches  which  he  heard. 

While  his  days  were  spent  in  hard  manual  labor,  and 
his  evenings  in  study,  he  grew  up  strong  in  body,  health- 
ful in  mind,  with  no  bad  habits;  no  stain  of  intemperance, 
profanity,  or  vice  of  any  kind.  He  used  neither  tobacco 
nor  intoxicating  drinks,  and,  thus  living,  he  grew  to  be 
six  feet  four  inches  high,  and  a  giant  in  strength.  In  all 
athletic  sports  he  had  no  equal.  I  have  heard  an  old 
comrade  say,  "he  could  strike  the  hardest  blow  with  the 
woodman's  axe,  and  the  maul  of  the  rail-splitter,  jump 
higher,  run  faster  than  any  of  his  fellows,  and  there  were 
none,  far  or  near,  who  could  lay  him  on  his  back."  Kind 
and  cordial,  he  early  developed  so  much  wit  and  humor, 
such  a  capacity  for  narrative  and  story-telling,  that  he  was 
everywhere  a  most  welcome  guest. 

A   LAND   SURVEYOR. 

Like  Washington,  he  became,  in  early  life,  a  good  prac- 
tical surveyor,  and  I  have,  in  my  library,  the  identical 
book  from  which,  at  eighteen  years  of  age,  he  studied  the 
art  of  surveying.  By  his  skill  and  accuracy,  and  b\'  the 
neatness  of  his  work,  he  was  sought  after  by  the  settlers, 
to  survey  and  fix  the  boundaries  of  their  farms,  and  in 
this  way,  in  part,  he  earned  a  support  while  he  studied 
law.  In  1837,  self-taught,  he  was  admitted  and  licensed, 
by  the  Supreme  Court  of  Illinois,  to  practise  law. 

A   LAWYER. 

It  is  difficult  for  me  to  describe,  and,  perhaps,  more 
difficult  for  you  to  conceive  the  contrast  when  Lincoln 
began  to  practise  law,  between  the  forms  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice  in  Westminster   Hall,   and   in   the  rude 


-^ 


170  EARLY    ILLINOIS. 

log  court-houses  of  Illinois.  I  recall  to-day  what  was  said 
a  few  years  ago  by  an  Illinois  friend,  when  we  visited,  for 
the  first  time,  Westminster  Abbe)',  and  as  we  passed  into 
Westminster  Hall.  *'  This,"  he  exclaimed,  "  this  is  the 
grandest  forum  in  the  world.  Here  Fox,  Burke,  and 
Sheridan  hurled  their  denunciations  against  Warren  Hast- 
ings. Here  Brougham  defended  Queen  Caroline.  And 
this,"  he  went  on  to  repeat,  in  the  words  of  Macauley, 
(words  as  familiar  in  America  as  here),  "This  is  the  great 
hall  of  William  Rufus,  tlie  hall  which  has  resounded  with 
acclamations  at  the  inauguration  of  thirty  kings,  and 
which  has  witnessed  the  trials  of  Bacon  and  Somers  and 
Strafford  and  Charles  the  First."  "And  yet,"  I  replied, 
*T  have  seen  justice  administered  on  the  prairies  of  Illi- 
nois without  pomp  or  ceremony,  everything  simple  to 
rudeness,  and  yet,  when  Lincoln  and  Douglas  led  at  that 
bar,  I  have  seen  justice  administered  by  judges  as  pure, 
aided  by  advocates  as  eloquent,  if  not  as  learned,  as  any 
who  ever  presided,  or  plead,  in  Westminster  Hall." 

The  common-law  of  England  (said  to  be  the  perfection 
of  human  wisdom)  was  administered  in  both  forums,  and 
the  decisions  of  each  tribunal  were  cited  as  authority  in 
the  other;  both  illustrating  that  reverence  for,  and  obedi- 
ence to,  law,  which  is  the  glor}'  of  the  English-speaking 
race. 

Lincoln  was  a  great  lawyer.  He  sought  to  convince 
rather  by  the  application  of  principle  than  by  the  citation 
of  authorities.  On  the  whole,  he  was  stronger  with  the 
jury  than  with  the  court.  I  do  not  know  that  there  has 
ever  been,  in  America,  a  greater  or  more  successful  advo- 
cate before  a  jury,  on  the  right  side,  than  Abraham 
Lincoln.  He  had  a  marvellous  power  of  conciliating  and 
impressing  everyone  in  his  favor.  A  stranger  entering  the 
court,  ignorant  of  the  case,  and  listening  a  few  moments 
to  Lincoln,  would  find  himself  involuntarily  on  his  side 
and  wishing  him  success.  He  was  a  quick  and  accurate 
reader  of  character,  and  seemed  to  comprehend,  almost 
intuitiv^el}-,  the  peculiarities  of  those  with  whom  he  came 
in  contact.  His  manner  was  so  candid,  his  methods  so 
direct,  so  fair,  he  seemed  so  anxious  that  truth  and 
justice  should  prevail,  that  everyone  wished  him  success. 


ABRAHAxM    LINCOLN.  IJl 

He  excelled  in  the  statement  of  his  case.  However  com- 
plicated, he  would  disentangle  it,  and  present  the  import- 
ant and  turninj^- point  in  a  way  so  clear  that  all  could 
understand.  Indeed,  his  statement  often  alone  won  his 
cause,  rendering  argument  unnecessary.  The  judges 
would  often  stop  him  b)'  saying,  "If  that  is  the  case, 
brother  Lincoln,  we  will  hear  the  other  side." 

His  ability  in  examining  a  witness,  in  bringing  out 
clearly  the  important  facts,  was  only  surpassed  b}'  his 
skilful  cross-examinations.  He  could  often  compel  a  wit- 
ness to  tell  the  truth,  where  he  meant  to  lie.  He  could 
make  a  jur\'  laugh,  and  generalh'  weep,  at  his  pleasure. 
On  the  right  side,  and  when  fraud  or  injustice  were  to  be 
exposed,  or  innocence  vindicated,  he  rose  to  the  highest 
range  of  eloquence,  and  was  irresistable.  But  he  must 
have  faith  in  his  cause  to  bring  out  his  full  strength.  His 
wit  and  humor,  his  quaint  and  homely  illustrations,  his 
inexhaustible  stores  of  anecdote,  alwa}'s  to  the  point, 
added  greatl}'  to  his  power  as  a  jur)'-advocate. 

He  never  misstated  e\'idence  or  misrepresented  his 
opponent's  case,  but  met  it  fairly  and  squarely. 

He  remained  in  active  practice  until  his  nomination, 
in  Ma}-,  iS6o,  for  the  presidency.  He  was  employed  in 
the  leading  cases  in  both  the  federal  and  state  courts,  and 
had  a  large  clientelage,  not  only  in  Illinois,  but  was  fre- 
quentU'  called,  on  special  retainers,  to  other  States. 

AN    ILLINOLS    POLITICL\N. 

B)'  his  eloquence  and  popularit)*  he  became,  earh'  in 
life,  the  leader  of  the  old  \\  hig  party,  in  Illinois.  He 
served  as  member  of  the  State  Legislature,  was  the  can- 
date  of  his  party  for  speaker,  presidential  elector,  and 
United  States  senator,  and  was  a  member  of  the  lower 
house  of  Congress. 

SLAVERY. 

When  the  independence  of  the  American  republic  was 
established,  African  slaver}'  was  tolerated  as  a  local  and 
temporary  institution.  It  was  in  conthct  with  the  moral 
sense,  the  religious  convictions  of  the  people,  and  the 
political  principles  on  which  the  government  was  founded. 

But  having  been  tolerated,  it  soon  became  an  organized, 


1/2  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

aggressive  power,  and,  later,  it  became  the  master  of  the 
government.  Conscious  of  its  inherent  weakness,  it 
demanded  and  obtained  additional  territory  for  its  expan- 
sion. First,  the  great  Louisiana  territory  was  purchased,, 
then  Florida,  and  then  Texas. 

By  the  repeal,  in  1854,  of  the  prohibition  of  slavery 
north  of  the  line  of  36°,  30'  of  latitude  (known  in  America 
as  the  "Missouri  Compromise"),  the  slavery  question 
became  the  leading  one  in  American  politics,  and  the 
absorbing  and  exciting  topic  of  discussion.  It  shattered 
into  fragments  the  old  conservative  Whig  party,  with 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  had,  theretofore,  acted.  It  divided 
the  Democratic  party,  and  new  parties  were  organized 
upon  issues  growing  directly  out  of  the  question  of  slavery. 

The  leader  of  that  portion  of  the  Democratic  party 
which  continued,  for  a  time,  to  act  with  the  slavery  party, 
was  Stephen  Arnold  Douglas,  then  representing  Illinois 
in  the  United  States  Senate.  He  was  a  bold,  ambitious, 
able  man,  and  had,  thus  far,  been  uniformly  successful. 
He  had  introduced  and  carried  through  Congress,  against 
the  most  vehement  opposition,  the  repeal  of  the  law,  pro- 
hibiting slavery,  called  the  Missouri  Compromise. 

THE     CONTEST     BETWEEN     FREEDOM     AND     SLAVERY     IN 

THE   TERRITORIES. 

The  issue  having  been  now  distinctly  made  between 
freedom  and  the  extension  of  slavery  into  the  territories, 
Lincoln  and  Douglas,  the  leaders  of  the  Free-soil  and 
Democratic  parties,  became  more  than  ever  antagonized. 
The  conflict  between  freedom  and  slavery  now  became 
earnest,  fierce,  and  violent,  beyond  all  previous  political 
controversies,  and  from  this  time  on,  Lincoln  plead  the 
cause  of  liberty  with  an  energy,  ability,  and  eloquence,, 
which  rapidly  gained  for  him  a  national  reputation. 
From  this  time  on,  through  the  tremendous  struggle,  it 
.was  he  who  grasped  the  helm  and  led  his  party  to  victory. 
Conscious  of  a  great  cause,  inspired  by  a  generous  love  of 
liberty,  and  animated  by  the  moral  sublimity  of  his  great 
theme,  he  proclaimed  his  determination,  ever  thereafter,, 
"to  speak  for  freedom,  and  against  slavery,  until  every- 
where the  sun  shall  shine,  the  rain  shall  fall,  and  the  wind 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN'.  1 73 

blow  upon  no  man  who  goes  forth  to  unrequited  toil." 

THE    LINCOLN    AND    DOUGLAS    DERATE. 

The  i^reat  debate  between  Lincohi  and  Doughis,  in 
1858,  was,  unquestionably,  botli  with  reference  to  the 
abiht)'  of  the  speakers  and  its  influence  upon  opinion  and 
events,  the  most  important  in  American  history.  I  do 
not  think  I  do  injustice  to  others,  nor  over-estimate  their 
importance,  when  I  say  that  the  speeches  of  Lincohi  pub- 
hshed,  circuLated,  and  read,  throughout  the  Free-States, 
did  more  than  an}-  other  agency  in  creating  the  pubhc 
opinion,  which  prepared  the  way  for  the  overthrow  of 
slavery.  The  speeches  of  John  Ouincy  Adams,  and  those 
of  Senator  Sumner,  were  more  learned  and  scholarly, 
and  those  of  Lovejoy  and  Wendel  Philips  were  more 
vehement  and  impassioned;  Senators  Seward,  Chase,  and 
Hale  spoke  from  a  more  conspicuous  forum,  but  Lincoln's 
speeches  were  as  philosophic,  as  able,  as  earnest  as  any, 
and  his  manner  had  a  simplicity  and  directness,  a  clear- 
ness of  illustration,  and  his  language  a  plainness,  a  vigor, 
an  Anglo-Saxon  strength,  better  adapted,  than  any  other, 
to  reach  and  influence  the  understanding  and  sentiment 
of  the  common  people. 

At  the  time  of  this  memorable  discussion,  both  Lincoln 
and  Douglas  were  in  the  full  maturity  of  their  powers. 
Douglas  being  forty-five  and  Lincoln  forty-nine  years  old. 
Douglas  had  had  a  long  training  and  experience  as  a 
popular  speaker.  On  the  hustings  (stump,  as  we  say  in 
America)  and  in  Congress,  and- especially  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  he  had  been  accustomed  to  meet  the  ablest 
debaters  of  his   State  and  of  the  Nation. 

His  friends  insisted  that  never,  either  in  conflict  with  a 
single  opponent,  or  when  repelling  the  assaults  of  a  whole 
party,  had  he  been  discomfited.  His  manner  was  bold, 
vigorous,  and  aggressive.  He  was  ready,  fertile  in 
resources,  familiar  with  political  history,  strong  and  severe 
in  denunciation,  and  he  handled,  with  skill,  all  the 
weapons  of  the  dialectician.  His  iron  will,  tireless  energy, 
united  with  physical  and  moral  courage,  and  great  per- 
sonal magnetism,  made  him  a  natural  leader,  and  gave 
him  personal  popularity. 


-^ 


174  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

Lincoln  was  also  now  a  thoroughly  trained  speaker. 
He  had  contended  successfully  at  the  bar,  in  the  legisla- 
ture, and  before  the  people,  with  the  ablest  men  of  the 
West,  including  Douglas,  with  whom  he  always  rather 
sought  than  avoided  a  discussion.  But  he  was  a  courte- 
ous and  generous  opponent,  as  is  illustrated  by  the  follow- 
ing beautiful  allusion  to  his  rival,  made  in  1856,  in  one  of 
their  joint  debates.  "Twenty  years  ago.  Judge  Douglas 
and  I  first  became  acquainted ;  we  were  both  young  then ; 
he  a  trifle  younger  than  I.  Even  then,  we  were  both  am- 
bitious, I,  perhaps,  quite  as  much  as  he.  With  me,  the 
race  of  ambition  has  been  a  flat  failure.  With  him,  it  has 
been  a  splendid  success.  His  name  fills  the  Nation,  and 
it  is  not  unknown  in  foreign  lands.  I  affect  no  con- 
tempt for  the  high  eminence  he  has  reached;  so  reached, 
that  the  oppressed  of  my  species  might  have  shared  with 
me  in  the  elevation,  I  would  rather  stand  on  that  emi- 
nence than  wear  the  richest  crown  that  ever  pressed  a 
monarch's  brow." 

We  know,  and  the  world  knows,  that  Lincoln  did  reach 
that  high,  nay,  far  higher  eminence,  and  that  he  did  reach 
it  in  such  a  way  that  the  "oppressed"  did  share  with  him 
in  the  elevation. 

Such  were  the  champions  who,  in  1858,  were  to  discuss, 
before  the  voters  of  Illinois,  and  with  the  whole  Nation  as 
spectators,  the  political  questions  then  pending,  and  espec- 
ially the  vital  questions  relating  to  slavery.  It  was  not  a 
single  combat,  but  extended  through  a  whole  campaign. 

On  the  return  of  Douglas,  from  Washington,  to  Illinois, 
in  July,  1858,  Lincoln  and  Douglas  being  candidates  for 
the  senate,  the  former  challenged  his  rival  to  a  series  of 
joint  debates,  to  be  held  at  the  principal  towns  in  the 
State.  The  challenge  was  accepted,  and  it  was  agreed 
that  each  discussion  should  occupy  three  hours,  that  the 
speakers  should  alternate  in  the  opening  and  the  close — 
the  opening  speech  to  occupy  one  hour,  the  reply  one 
hour  and  a-half,  and  the  close  half  an  hour.  The  meet- 
ings were  held  in  the  open  air,  for  no  hall  could  hold  the 
vast  crowds  which  attended. 

In  addition  to  the  immense  mass  of  hearers,  reporters, 
from  all  the  principal  newspapers  in  the  country,  attended, 


ABRAHAM    LIXCQLX.  1 75 

SO  that  the  morning  after  each  debate,  the  speeches  were 
pubhshed,  and  eagerl}-  read  b)-  a  large  part,  perhaps  a 
majority  of  all  the  voters  of  the   United  States. 

The  attention  of  the  American  people  was  thus  arrested, 
and  the}'  watched  with  intense  interest,  and  devoured 
every  argument  of  the  champions. 

Each  of  these  great  men,  I  doubt  not,  at  that  time, 
sincerely  believed  he  was  right.  Douglas'  ardor,  while  in 
such  a  conflict,  would  make  him  think,  for  the  time  being, 
he  was  right,  and  I  kmnv  that  Lincoln  argued  for  freedom 
against  the  extension  of  sla\'er}'  with  the  most  profound 
conviction  that  on  the  result  hung  the  fate  of  his  country. 
Lincoln  had  two  adxantages  over  Douglas;  he  had  the 
best  side  of  the  question,  and  the  best  temper.  He  was 
always  good-humored,  always  had  an  apt  stor)-  iox  illus- 
tration, while  Douglas  sometimes,  when  hard  pressed,  was 
irritable. 

Douglas  carried  awa}-  the  most  popular  applause,  but 
Lincoln  made  the  deeper  and  more  lasting  impression. 
Douglas  did  not  disdain  an  immediate  ad  captandtuu 
triumph,  while  Lincoln  aimed  at  permanent  conviction. 
Sometimes,  when  Lincoln's  friends  urged  him  to  raise  a 
storm  of  applause  (which  he  could  always  do  by  his  happy 
illustrations  and  amusing  stories),  he  refused,  saying  the 
occasion  was  too  serious,  the  issue  too  grave.  *T  do  not 
seek  applause,"  said  he,  "nor  to  amuse  the  people,  I  want 
to  convince  them." 

It  was  often  observed,  during  this  canvass,  that  while 
Douglas  was  sometimes  greeted  with  the  loudest  cheers, 
when  Lincoln  closed,  the  people  seemed  solemn  and  seri- 
ous, and  could  be  heard,  all  through  the  crowd,  gravel)' 
and  anxiously  discussing  the  topics  on  which  he  had  been 
speaking. 

Douglas  secured  the  immediate  object  of  the  struggle, 
but  the  manl}'  bearing,  the  vigorous  logic,  the  honest)'  and 
sincerit)',  the  great  intellectual  powers,  exhibited  b)-  Mr. 
Lincoln,  prepared  the  wa)',  and,  two  years  later,  secured 
his  nomination  and  election  to  the  presidency.  It  is  a 
touching  incident,  illustrating  the  patriotism  of  both  these 
statesmen,  that,  widel)-  as  tlic)'  differed,  and  keen  as  hai.1 
been  their  rivalr)',  just  as  soon  as  the  life  of  the  Republic 


176  EARLY    ILLINOIS. 

was  menaced,  by  treason,  they  joined  hands,  to  shield  and 
save  the  county  they  loved. 

The  echo  and  the  prophecy  of  this  great  debate  was 
heard,  and  inspired  hope  in  the  far-off  cotton  and  rice- 
fields  of  the  South  The  toiling  blacks,  to  use  the  words 
of  Whittier,  began  hopefully  to  pray: 

"  We  pray  de  Lord.       He  gib  us  signs 
Dat  some  day  we  be  free. 
De  Norf  wind  tell  it  to  de  pines, 
De  wild  duck  to  de  sea. 

"  We  tink  it  when  de  church-bell  ring, 
We  dream  it  in  de  dream, 
De  rice-bird  mean  it  when  he  sing, 
De  eagle  when  he  scream. " 

THE   COOPER-INSTITUTE    SPEECH. 

In  February,  i860,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  called  to  address 
the  people  of  New  York,  and,  speaking  to  a  vast  audience, 
at  the  Cooper  Institute  (the  Exeter  Hall  of  the  United 
States),  the  poet  Bryant  presiding,  he  made,  perhaps,  the 
most  learned,  logical,  and  exhaustive  speech  to  be  found 
in  American  anti-slavery  literature.  The  question  was, 
the  power  of  the  National  Government  to  exclude  slavery 
from  the  territories.  The  orator  from  the  prairies,  the 
morning  after  this  speech,  awoke  to  find  himself  famous. 

He  closed  with  these  words,  "Let  us  have  faith  that 
right  makes  might,  and  in  that  faith  let  us,  to  the  end, 
do  our  duty  as  we  understand  it." 

This  address  was  the  carefully  finished  product  of,  not 
an  orator  and  statesman  only,  but  also  of  an  accurate 
student  of  American  history.  It  confirmed  and  elevated 
the  reputation  he  had  already  acquired  in  the  Douglas 
debates,  and  caused  his  nomination  and  election  to  the 
presidency. 

If  time  permitted,  I  would  like  to  follow  Mr.  Lincoln, 
step  by  step,  to  enumerate  his  measures  one  after  another,, 
until,  by  prudence  and  courage,  and  matchless  states- 
manship, he  led  the  loyal  people  of  the  republic  to  the 
final  and  complete  overthrow  of  slavery  and  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Union. 

From  the  time  he  left  his  humble  home,  in  Illinois,  to 
assume  the  responsibilities  of  power,  the  political  horizon 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  1/7 

black  with  treason  and  rebellion,  the  terrific  thunder 
clouds, — the  tempest  which  had  been  ijatherini;  and  j^row- 
ini^  more  black  and  threatening  for  years,  now  ready  to 
explode, — on  and  on,  throui^h  lon;^  years  of  bloody  war, 
down  to  his  final  triumph  and  death  —  what  a  drama! 
His  eventful  life  terminated  b}'  his  tragic  death,  has  it  not 
the  dramatic  unities,  and  the  awful  ending,  of  the  Old 
Greek  tragedy? 

TTIS    FAREWELL   TO    HIS    NEIGHBORS. 

I  know  of  nothing,  in  history,  more  pathetic  than  the 
scene  when  he  bade  good-bye  to  his  old  friends  and 
neighbors.  Conscious  of  the  difficulties  and  dangers 
before  him,  difficulties  which  seemed  almost  insurmount- 
able, with  a  sadness  as  though  a  presentiment  that  he 
should  return  no  more  was  pressing  upon  him,  but  with 
a  deep  religious  trust  which  was  characteristic,  on  the 
platform  of  the  rail-carriage,  which  was  to  bear  him  away 
to  the  Capital,  he  pauseci  and  said,  "No  one  can  realize 
the  sadness  I  feel  at  this  parting.  Here  I  hav^e  lived  more 
than  a  quarter  of  a  centur}-.  Here  m\'  children  were  born, 
and  here  one  of  them  lies  buried.  I  know  not  how  soon  I 
shall  see  you  again.  I  go  to  assume  a  task  more  difficult 
than  that  which  has  devolved  upon  any  other  man  since 
the  days  of  Washington.  He  never  would  have  suc- 
ceeded but  for  the  aid  of  Divine  Providence,  upon  which, 
at  all  times,  he  relied.        *  "  '"  I  hope  you,  my 

dear  friends,  will  all  pra\'  that  I  ma\'  receive  that  Divine 
assistance,  without  which  I  can  not  succeed,  but  with 
which,  success  is  certain." 

And  as  he  waved  his  hand  in  farewell  to  the  old  home, 
to  which  he  was  never  to  return,  he  heard  the  response 
from  many  old  friends,  "God  bless  and  keep  you."  "God 
protect  you  from  all  traitors."  His  neighbors  "sorrowing 
most  of  all,"  for  the  fear  "that  they  should  see  his  face  no 
more." 

HIS   INAL'CiL'RAL    AND    AI'l'LAL    FOR    PEACE. 

In  his  inaugural  address,  spoken  in  the  open  air,  and 
from  the  eastern  portico  of  the  capitol,  and  heard  by 
thrice  ten  thousand  people,  on  the  ver}^  verge  of  ci\il  war, 


178  EARLY   ILLINOIS 

he  made  a  most  earnest  appeal  for  peace.  He  gave  the 
most  solemn  assurance,  that  "the  property,  peace,  and 
security  of  no  portion  of  the  Repubhc  should  be  endan- 
gered by  his  administration."  But  he  declared,  with  firm- 
ness that  the  union  of  the  States  must  be  "perpetual," 
and  that  he  should  "execute  the  laws  faithfully  in  every 
state."  "In  doing  this,"  said  he,  "there  need  be  no  blood- 
shed nor  violence,  nor  shall  there  be,  unless  forced  upon  the 
National  Authority."  In  regard  to  the  difficulties  which 
thus  divided  the  people,  he  appealed  to  all  to  abstain 
from  precipitate  action,  assuring  them  that  intelligence, 
patriotism,  and  a  firm  reliance  on  Him,  who  has  never  yet 
forsaken  the  Republic,  "were  competent  to  adjust,  in  the 
best  way,  all  existing  troubles." 

His  closing  appeal,  against  civil  war,  was  most  touch- 
ing. "In  your  hands,"  said  he,  and  his  voice,  for  the  first 
time  faltered,  "In  your  hands,  and  not  in  mine,  are  the 
momentous  issues  of  civil  war."         ^  "  "You  can 

have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors." 
'^  ^  "I  am,"  continued  he,  "loth  to  close,  we  are 
not  enemies,  but  friends.  We  must  not  be  enemies, 
though  passion  may  strain, — it  must  not  break  the  bonds 
of  affection." 

The  answer  to  these  appeals  was  the  attack  upon  Fort 
Sumpter,  and  immediately  broke  loose  all  the  maddening 
passions  which  riot  in  blood  and  carnage  and  civil  war. 

I  know  not  how  I  can  better  picture  and  illustrate  the 
condition  of  affairs,  and  of  public  feeling,  at  that  time, 
than  bv  narrating;  two  or  three  incidents. 

DOUGLAS'    PROPHECY,   JANUARY    I,    1861. 

In  January,  1861,  Senator  Douglas,  then  lately  a  candi- 
date for  the  presidency,  with  Mrs.  Douglas,  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  and  fascinating  women  in  America,  a  rela- 
tive of  Mrs.  Madison,  occupied,  at  Washington,  one  of  the 
most  magnificent  blocks  of  dwellings,  called  the  "Minne- 
sota Block."  On  New-Year's-day,  1861,  General  Charles 
Stewart,  of  New  York,  from  whose  lips  I  write  an  account 
of  the  incident,  says, 

"I  was  making  a  New-Year's-call  on  Senator  Douglas; 
after  some  conversation,  I  asked  him, 


A13KAHAM    LIN'COLN.  1 79 

"  'What  will  be  the  result,  Senator,  of  the  efforts  of 
Jefferson  Davis,  and  his  associates,  to  divide  the  Union?' 
We  were,"  said  Stewart,  "sitting  on  the  sofa  together, 
when  I  asked  the  question.  Douglas  rose,  walked  rapidly 
up  and  down  the  room  for  a  moment,  and  then  pausing, 
he  exclaimed,  with  deep  feeling  and  excitement: 

"'The  Cotton  States  are  making  an  effort  to  draw  in 
the  Border  States,  to  their  schemes  of  Secession,  and  I 
am  but  too  fearful  they  will  succeed.  If  they  do,  there 
Will  be  the  most  fearful  civil  war  the  world  has  ever  seen, 
lasting  for  years.' 

"Pausing  a  moment,  he  looked  like  one  inspired,  while 
he  proceeded:  'X'irginia,  over  yonder,  across  the  Potomac,' 
pointing  toward  Arlington,  'will  become  a  charnel-house 
— but  in  the  end  the  Union  will  triumph.  They  will  tr}',' 
he  continued,  'to  get  possession  of  this  Capital,  to  give 
them  prestige  abroad,  but  in  that  effort  the}-  will  never 
succeed;  the  North  will  rise  eii  masse  to  defend  it.  But 
Washington  will  become  a  city  of  hospitals,  the  churches 
will  be  used  for  the  sick  and  wounded.  This  house,'  he 
continued,  'the  Minnesota  Block  will  be  devoted  to  that 
purpose  before  the  end  of  the  war.' 

"Every  word  he  said  was  literally  fulfilled  —  all  the 
churches  nearly  were  used  for  the  wounded,  and  the  Min- 
nesota IMock,  and  the  very  room  in  which  .this,  declaration 
was  made,  became  the  'Douglas   Hospital.' 

"'What  justification  for  all  this.^'  said  Stewart. 

"  'There  is  no  justification,'  replied  Douglas. 

"'I  will  go  as  far  as  the  constitution  will  permit  to 
maintain  their  just  rights,  l^ut,'  said  he,  rising  upon  his 
feet  and  raising  his  arm,  'if  the  Southern  States  attempt 
to  secede,  I  am  in  favor  of  their  having  just  so  many 
slaves,  and  just  so  much  slave  territory,  as  they  can  hold 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  no  more.'  " 

WILL   THE    NORTH    FKHIT  .^ 

Many  Southern  leaders  believed  there  would  be  no  seri- 
ous war,  and  labored  industriously  to  impress  this  idea  on 
the  Southern  people. 

Benjamin  F.  l^utler,  who,  as  a  delegate  from  Massachu- 
setts,  to   the   Charlestown   Convention,   had    voted   many 


l80  ,  EARLY    ILLINOIS. 

times  for  Breckenridge,  the  extreme  Southern  candidate 
for  president,  came  to  Washington,  in  the  winter  of  1 860-1, 
to  inquire  of  his  old  associates  what  they  meant  by  their 
threats. 

*'We  mean,"  rephed  they,  "we  mean  Separation  —  a 
Southern  Confederacy.  We  will  have  our  independence, 
a  Southern  government — with  no  discordant  elements." 

''Are  you  prepared  for  war.'"  said  Butler,  coolly. 

"Oh,  there  will  be  no  war;  the  North  won't  fight." 

"The  North  zci//  fight,"  said  Butler,  "the  North  will 
send  the  /ast  man  and  expend  the  last  dollar  to  maintain 
the  Government." 

"But,"  replied  Butler's  Southern  friends,  "the  North 
can't  fight — we  have  too  many  allies  there." 

"You  have  friends,"  responded  Butler,  "in  the  North, 
who  will  stand  by  you  so  long  as  you  fight  your  battles 
in  the  Union,  but  the  moment  you  fire  on  the  flag,  the 
North  will  be  a  unit  against  you."  "And,"  Butler  con- 
tinued, "you  may  be  assured  if  war  comes,  slavery  oidsT 

THE    SPECIAL    SESSION    OF   CONGRESS,  JULY,    1 86 1. 

On  the  brink  of  this  civil  war,  the  President  summoned 
Congress  to  meet  on  the  4th  of  July,  1861,  the  anniver- 
sary of  our  Independence.  Seven  States  had  already 
seceded,  were  in  open  revolt,  and  the  chairs  of  their  repre- 
sentatives, in  both  houses  of  Congress,  were  vacant.  It 
needed  but  a  glance  at  these  so  numerous  vacant  seats  to 
realize  the  extent  of  the  defection,  the  gravity  of  the  situ- 
ation, and  the  magnitude  of  the  impending  struggle. 
The  old  pro-slaver\*  leaders  were  absent.  Some  in  the 
rebel  government,  set  up  at  Richmond,  and  others  mar- 
shalling troops  in  the  field.  Hostile  armies  were  gather- 
ing, and  from  the  dome  of  the  Capitol,  across  the  Poto- 
mac, and  on  toward  Fairfax,  in  Virginia,  could  be  seen 
the  Confederate  flag. 

Breckenridge,  late  the  Southern  candidate  for  president, 
now  Senator  from  Kentucky,  and  soon  to  lead  a  rebel 
army,  still  lingered  in  the  Senate.  Like  Cataline  among 
the  Roman  Senators,  he  was  regarded  with  aversion  and 
distrust.     Gloomy  and,  perhaps,  sorrowful,  he  said,  "I  can 


51 


ABRAIIAxM    LINCOLN.  l8l 

only  look  with  sadness  on  the  melancholy  drama  that  is 
being  enacted." 

Pardon  the  digression,  while  I  relate  an  incident  which 
occurred  in  the  Senate,  at  this  special  session. 

Senator  Baker,  of  Oregon,  was  making  a  brilliant  and 
impassioned  reply  to  a  speech  of  Ikeckenridge,  in  which 
he  denounced  the  Kentucky  senator,  for  giving  aid  and 
encouragement  to  the  enemy,  by  his  speeches.  At  length 
he  paused,  and,  turning  toward  I^reckenridgc,  and  fixing  his 
eye  upon  him,  he  asked,  "What  would  have  been  thought 
if,  after  the  battle  of  Cannai,  a  Roman  senator  had  risen, 
amidst  the  conscript  Fathers,  and  denounced  the  war,  and 
opposed  all  measures  for  its  success." 

Baker  paused,  and  every  eye  in  the  Senate,  and  in  the 
crowded  galleries  was  fixed  upon  the  almost  solitary  sena- 
tor from  Kentucky.  Fessenden  broke  the  painful  silence, 
by  exclaiming,  in  low  deep  tones,  which  gave  expression 
to  the  thrill  of  indignation,  which  ran  through  the  hall, 
"He  would  hav^e  been  hurled  from  the  Tarpeian  Rock." 

Congress  manifested  its  sense  of  the  gravity  of  the 
situation  by  authorizing  a  loan  of  two  hundred  and  fift}" 
millions  of  dollars,  and  empowering  the  President  to  call 
into  the  field  five  hundred  thousand  men,  and  as  many 
more  as  he  might  deem  necessary. 

SURRENDER   OF    MASON   AND   SLIDELL. 

No  act  of  the  British  Government,  since  the  "stamp 
act"  of  the  Revolution,  has  ever  excited  such  intense  feel- 
ing of  hostility  toward  Great  Britain,  as  her  haughty 
demand  for  the  surrender  of  Mason  and  Slidell.  It 
required  nerve,  in  the  President,  to  stem  the  storm  of 
popular  feeling,  and  yield  to  that  demand,  and  it  was,  for 
a  time,  the  most  unpopular  act  of  his  administration. 
But  when  the  excitement  of  the  day  had  passed,  it  was 
approved  by  the  sober  judgment  of  the  Nation. 

Prince  Albert  is  kindly  and  gratefully  remembered  in 
America,  where  it  is  believ^ed  that  his  action,  in  modify- 
ing the  terms  of  that  demand,  probably  saved  the  United 
States  and  Great   Britain  from  the  horrors  of  war. 

13 


\ 


182  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

LINCOLN   AND   THE   ABOLITION    OF    SLAVERY. 

When  in  June,  1858,  at  his  home,  in  Springfield,  Mr. 
Lincoln  startled  the  people  with  the  declaration,  "This 
government  can  not  endure,  permanently,  half  slave  and 
half  free,"  and  when,  at  the  close  of  his  speech,  to  those 
who  were  laboring  for  the  ultimate  extinction  of  slavery, 
he  exclaimed,  with  the  voice  of  a  prophet,  "We  shall  not 
fail,  if  we  stand  firm,  we  shall  not  fail.  Wise  councils  may 
accelerate,  or  mistakes  delay,  but  sooner  or  later  the  vic- 
tory is  sure  to  come;"  he  anticipated  success,  through 
years  of  discussion,  and  final  triumph  through  peaceful 
and  constitutional  means  by  the  ballot.  He  did  not  for- 
see,  nor  even  dream  (unless  in  those  dim  mysterious 
shadows,  which  sometimes  startle  by  half  revealing  the 
future),  his  own  elevation  to  the  presidency.  He  did  not 
then  suspect  that  he  had  been  appointed  by  God,  and 
should  be  chosen  by  the  people,  to  proclaim  the  emanci- 
pation of  a  race,  and  to  save  his  country.  He  did  not  for- 
see  that  slavery  was  so  soon  to  be  destroyed,  amidst  the 
flames  of  war  which  itself  kindled. 

HIS   MODERATION. 

He  entered  upon  his  administration  with  the  single  pur- 
pose of  maintaining  national  unity,  and  many  reproached 
and  denounced  him  for  the  slowness  of  his  anti-slavery 
measures.  The  first  of  the  series  was  the  abolition  of  slav- 
ery at  the  National  Capitol.  This  act  gave  freedom  to 
three  thousand  slaves,  with  compensation  to  their  loyal 
masters.  Contemporanious  with  this  was  an  act  confer- 
ring freedom  upon  all  colored  soldiers  who  should  serve 
in  the  Union  armies  and  upon  their  families.  The  next 
was  an  act,  which  I  had  the  honor  to  introduce,  pro- 
hibiting slavery  in  all  the  territories,  and  wherever  the 
National  Government  had  jurisdiction.  But  the  great,  the 
decisive  act  of  his  administration,  was  the  "Emancipation 
Proclamation." 

EMANCIPATION    PROCLAMATION. 

The  President  had  urged,  with  the  utmost  earnestness, 
on  the  loyal  slave-holders,  of  the  Border  States,  gradual 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  183 

and  compensated  emancipation,  but  in  vain.  He  clearly 
saw,  all  saw,  that  the  slaves,  as  used  by  the  confederates, 
were  a  vast  power,  contributing^  immensely  to  their  ability 
to  carry  on  the  war,  and,  that  by  declaring  their  freedom, 
he  woulci  convert  millions  of  freedmen  into  active  friends 
and  allies  of  the  Union.  The  people  knew  that  he  was 
deliberating  upon  the  question  of  issuing  this  Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation.  At  this  crisis,  the  Union  men  of  the 
Border  States  made  an  appeal  to  him  to  withhold  the 
edict,  and  suffer  slavery  to  survive. 

They  selected  John  J.  Crittenden,  a  venerable  and  elo- 
quent man,  and  their  ablest  statesman,  to  make,  on  the 
floor  of  Congress,  a  public  appeal  to  the  President,  to 
withhold  the  proclamation.  Mr.  Crittenden  had  been 
governor  of  Kentucky,  her  senator  in  Congress,  attorney- 
general  of  the  United  States,  and  now,  in  his  old  age, 
covered  with  honors,  he  accepted,  like  John  Ouincy  Adams, 
a  seat  in  Congress,  that  in  this  crisis  he  might  help  to 
save  his  country. 

He  was  a  sincere  Union  man,  but  believed  it  unwise  to 
disturb  slavery.  In  his  speech,  he  made  a  most  eloquent 
and  touching  appeal,  from  a  Kentuckian  to  a  Kentuckian. 
He  said,  among  other  things,  "There  is  a  niche,  near  to 
that  of  Washington,  to  him  who  shall  save  his  country. 
If  Mr.  Lincoln  will  step  into  that  niche,  the  founder  and 
the  preserver  of  the  Republic  shall  stand  side  by  side." 
*  "^  Owen  Lovejoy,  the  brother  of  Elijah  P.  Love- 
joy,  who  had  been  mobbed  and  murdered,  because  he 
would  not  surrender  the  liberty  of  the  press,  replied  to 
Crittenden.  After  his  brother's  murder,  kneeling  upon  the 
green  sod  which  covered  that  brother's  grave,  he  had  taken 
a  solemn  vow,  of  eternal  war  upon  slavery.  Ever  after, 
like  Peter  the  Hermit,  with  a  heart  of  fire  and  a  tongue  of 
lightning,  he  had  gone  forth,  preaching  his  crusade 
against  slavery.  At  length,  in  his  reph',  turning  to  Crit- 
tenden, he  said,  "The  gentleman,  from  Kentucky,  says  he 
has  a  niche  for  Abraham   Lincoln,  where  is  it.-*" 

Crittenden  pointed  toward   Heaven. 

Lovejoy  continuing  said,  "He  points  upward,  but,  sir! 
if  the  President  follows  the  counsel  of  that  gentleman, 
and  becomes  the  perpetuator  of  slaver}',  he  should  point 


184  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

dozumuard,  to  some  dungeon  in  the  temple  of  Moloch, 
who  feeds  on  human  blood,  and  where  are  forged  chains 
for  human  limbs;  in  the  recesses  of  whose  temple  woman 
is  scourged  and  man  tortured,  and  outside  the  walls  are 
lying  dogs,  gorged  with  human  flesh,  as  Byron  describes 
them,  lying  around  the  walls  of  Stambool."  "That,"  said 
Lov^ejoy,  "is  a  suitable  place  for  the  statue  of  him  who 
would  perpetuate  slavery." 

*T,  too,"  said  he,  "have  a  temple  for  Abraham  Lincoln, 
but  it  is  in  freedom's   holy  fane,  ^         ""  not  sur- 

rounded by  slave  fetters  and  chains,  but  with  the  symbols 
of  freedom — not  dark  with  bondage,  but  radiant  with  the 
light  of  liberty.  In  that  niche  he  shall  stand  proudly, 
nobly,  gloriously,  with  broken  chains  and  slave's  whips 
beneath  his  feet.  ^  ^  That  is  a  fame  worth  liv- 
ing for,  aye,  more,  it  is  a  fame  worth  dying  for,  though 
that  death  led  through  Gethsemene  and  the  agony  of  the 
accursed  tree."  ^         ^         -h- 

"It  is  said,"  continued  he,  "that  Wilberforce  went  up  to 
the  judgment  seat  with  the  broken  chains  of  eight  hun- 
dred thousand  slaves!  Let  Lincoln  make  himself  the 
Liberator,  and  his  name  shall  be  enrolled,  not  only  in  this 
earthly  temple,  but  it  shall  be  traced  on  the  living  stones 
of  that  temple  which  is  reared  amid  the  thrones  of 
Heaven." 

Lovejoy's  prophecy  has  been  fulfilled — in  this  world — 
you  see  the  statues  to  Lincoln,  with  broken  chains  at  his 
feet,  rising  all  over  the  world,  and — in  that  other  world — 
few  will  doubt  that  the  prophecy  has  been  realized. 

In  September,  1862,  after  the  Confederates,  by  their 
defeat  at  the  great  battle  of  Antietam,  had  been  driven 
back  from  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  Lincoln  issued  the 
Proclamation.  It  is  a  fact,  illustrating  his  character,  and 
showing  that  there  was  in  him  what  many  would  call  a 
tinge  of  superstition,  that  he  declared,  to  Secretary  Chase, 
that  he  had  made  a  solemn  vow  to  God,  saying,  "if  Gen- 
eral Lee  is  driven  back  from  Pennsylvania,  I  will  crown 
the  result  with  the  declaration  of  I^REEDOM  TO  THE 
Slave."  The  final  Proclamation  was  issued  on  the  first 
of  January,  1863.  In  obedience  to  an  American  custom, 
he  had  been  receiving  calls  on  that  New-Year's-day,  and, 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  1 85 

for  liours,  shakin<^  hands.  As  the  paper  was  brought  to 
him  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  to  be  signed,  he  said, 
"iNIr.  Seward,  I  liave  been  shaking  liands  all  day,  and  my 
right  hand  is  almost  paralyzed.  If  my  name  ever  gets 
into  history,  it  will  be  for  this  act,  and  my  whole  soul  is  in 
it.  If  m\'  hand  trembles  when  I  sign  the  proclamation, 
those  who  examine  the  document  hereafter,  will  say,  "he 
hesitated." 

Then,  resting  his  arm  a  moment,  he  turned  to  the  table, 
took  up  the  pen,  and  slowly  and  firmly  wrote  Abra/iam. 
Lincoln.  He  smiled  as,  handing  the  paper  to  Mr.  Seward, 
he  said,  "that  will  do." 

From  this  day,  to  its  final  triumph,  the  tide  of  victory 
seemed  to  set  more  and  more  in  favor  of  the  Union  cause. 
The  capture  of  Vicksburg,  the  victory  of  Gettysburg, 
Chattanooga,  Chicamauga,  Lookout-IMountain,  Missionary 
Ridge,  Sheridan's  brilliant  campaign  in  the  Valley  of  the 
Shenandoah;  Thomas'  decisive  victory  at  Nashville;  Sher- 
man's march,  through  the  Confederacy,  to  the  sea;  the 
capture  of  Fort  McAllister;  the  sinking  of  tJic  Alabama; 
the  taking  of  Mobile,  by  Farragut;  the  occupation  of  Col- 
umbus, Charlestown,  Savannah;  the  evacuation  of  Peters- 
burg and  Richmond;  the  surrender  of  Lee  to  Grant;  the 
taking  of  Jefferson  Davis  a  prisoner;  the  triumph  every- 
where of  the  National  Arms;  such  were  the  events  which 
followed  (though  with  delays  and  bloodshed)  the  "Procla- 
mation of  Emancipation." 

THE   AMENDMENT   TO    THE   CONSTITUTION. 

Meanwhile  Lincoln  had  been  triumphantly  reelected, 
Congress  had,  as  before  stated,  abolished  slavery  at  the 
Capital,  prohibited  it  in  all  the  territories,  declared  all 
negro  soldiers  in  the  Union  armies,  and  their  families  free, 
and  had  repealed  all  laws  which  sanctioned  or  recognized 
slavery,  and  the  President  had  crowned  and  consummated 
all,  by  the  proclamation  of  emancipation.  One  thing 
alone  remained  to  perfect,  confirm,  and  make  everlastingly 
permanent  these  measures,  and  this  was  to  embody  in  the 
Constitution  itself,  the  prohibition  of  slavery  everywhere 
within  the  Republic. 

To  change  the  organic  law,  rcc^uired  the  adoption  by  a 


^ 


1 86  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

two-thirds'  vote  of  a  joint  resolution,  by  Congress,  and  that 
this  should  be  submitted  to,  and  ratified  by  two-thirds  of 
the  States. 

The  President,  in  his  annual  message  and  in  personal 
interviews  with  members  of  Congress,  urged  the  passage 
of  such  resolution.  To  test  the  strength  of  the  measure, 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  I  had  the  honor,  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1864,  to  introduce  the  following  resolution: 

''Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  should  be  so  amended 
as  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  United  States  wherever  it  now 
exists,  and  to  prohibit  its  existence  in  every  part  thereof 
forever"  (Cong.  Globe,  vol.  50,  p.  659).  This  was  adopted, 
by  a  decided  vote,  and  was  the  first  resolution  ever  passed 
by  Congress  in  favor  of  the  entire  abolition  of  slavery. 
But,  although  it  received  a  majority,  it  did  not  receive  a 
majority  of  two-thirds. 

The  debates  on  the  Constitutional  Amendment  (perhaps 
the  greatest  in  our  Congressional  history,  certainly  the 
most  important  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution)  ran 
through  two  sessions  of  Congress.  Charles  Sumner,  the 
learned  senator  from  Massachusetts,  brought  to  the  dis- 
cussion, in  the  Senate,  his  ample  stores  of  historical  illus- 
tration, quoting  largely  in  its  favor  from  the  historians, 
poets,  and  statesmen  of  the  past. 

The  resolution  was  adopted  in  the  Senate  by  the  large 
vote  of  ayes,  38,  noes,  6. 

In  the  lower  House,  at  the  first  session,  it  failed  to 
obtain  a  two-thirds'  vote,  and,  on  a  motion  to  reconsider, 
went  over  to  the  next  session. 

Mr.  Lincoln  again  earnestly  urged  its  adoption,  and,  in 
a  letter  to  Illinois  friends,  he  said,  "The  signs  look  better. 
*  *  Peace  does  not  look  so  distant  as  it  did.  I 
hope  it  will  come  soon,  and  come  to  stay,  and  so  come  as 
to  be  worth  keeping  in  all  future  time." 

I  recall,  very  vividly,  my  New-Year's-call  upon  the 
President,  January,  1864.     I  said: 

"I  hope,  Mr.  President,  one  year  from  to-day  I  may 
have  the  pleasure  of  congratulating  you  on  the  occur- 
rence of  three  events  which  now  seem  probable." 

"What  are  they.^"  inquired  he. 

"i.  That  the  rebellion  may  be  entirely  crushed. 


ABRAHAM    LINXOLN.  1 8/ 

"2.  That  the  Constitutional  Amendment,  abolishing  and 
prohibiting  slavery,  may  have  been  adopted. 

"3.  And  that  Abraham  Lincoln  may  have  been  re- 
elected  President." 

"I  think,"  replied  he,  with  a  smile,  "I  would  be  glad  to 
accept  the  first  two  as  a  compromise." 

General  Grant,  in  a  letter,  remarkable  for  that  clear 
good-sense  and  practical  judgment  for  which  he  is  distin- 
guished, condensed  into  a  single  sentence  the  political 
argument  in  favor  of  the  Constitutional  Amendment,  "The 
North  and  South,"  said  he,  "can  never  live  at  peace  with 
each  other  except  as  one  nation  and  that  zuithoiit  slavery^ 

GARFIELD'S   SPEECH. 

I  would  be  glad  to  quote  from  this  great  debate,  but 
must  confine  myself  to  a  brief  extract  from  the  speech 
of  the  present  President,  then  a  member  of  the  House. 
He  began  by  saying,  "Mr.  Speaker,  we  shall  never  know 
why  slavery  dies  so  hard  in  this  Republic,  and  in  this 
Hall,  until  we  know  why  sin  outlives  disaster  and  Satan 
is  immortal."         ""  ^         "How  well  do  I  remember," 

he  continued,  "the  history  of  that  distinguished  predeces- 
sor of  mine,  JosJina  R.  Giddings,  lately  gone  to  his  rest, 
who,  with  his  forlorn  hope  of  faithful  men,  took  his  life 
in  his  hands  and,  in  the  name  of  justice,  protested  against 
the  great  crime,  and  who  stood  bravely  in  his  place  until 
his  white  locks,  like  the  plume  of  Henry  of  Navarre, 
marked  where  the  battle  of  freedom  raged  fiercest."  "^^ 
'"  "In  its  mad  arrogance,  slavery  lifted  its  hand  against 
the  Union,  and  since  that  fatal  day  it  has  been  a  fugi- 
tive and  a  vagabond  upon  the  earth." 

Up  to  the  last  roll-call,  on  the  question  of  the  passage 
of  the  resolution,  we  were  uncertain  and  anxious  about 
the  result.  We  needed  Democratic  votes.  We  knew  we 
should  get  some,  but  whether  enough  to  carry  the  meas- 
ure none  could  surely  tell. 

As  the  clerk  called  the  names  of  members,  so  perfect 
was  the  silence  that  the  sound  of  a  hundred  pencils  keep- 
ing tally  could  be  heard  through  the   Hall. 

Finally,  when  the  call  was  completed,  and  the  speaker 
announced  that  the  resolution  was  adopted,  the  result  was 


-^ 


1 88  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

received  by  an  uncontrollable  burst  of  enthusiasm.  Mem- 
bers and  spectators  (especially  the  galleries,  which  were 
crowded  with  convalescent  soldiers)  shouted  and  cheered, 
and,  before  the  speaker  could  obtain  quiet,  the  roar  of 
artillery  on  Capitol  Hill  proclaimed  to  the  City  of  Wash- 
ington, the  passage  of  the  resolution.  Congress  adjourned, 
and  we  hastened  to  the  White  House  to"  congratulate  the 
President  on  the  event. 

He  made  one  of  his  happiest  speeches.  In  his  own 
peculiar  words,  he  said,  '' TJie  great  job  is  finishcdr  "I 
can  not  but  congratulate,"  said  he,  "all  present,  myself, 
the  country,  and  the  whole  world  on  this  great  moral 
victory." 

PERSONAL   CHARACTERISTICS. 

And  now,  with  an  attempt  to  sketch  very  briefly  some 
of  his  peculiar  personal  characteristics,  I  must  close. 

This  great  Hercules  of  a  man  had  a  heart  as  kind  and 
tender  as  a  woman.  Sterner  men  thought  it  a  weak- 
ness. It  saddened  him  to  see  others  suffer,  and  he  shrunk 
from  inflicting  pain.  Let  me  illustrate  his  kindness  and 
tenderness  by  one  or  two  incidents.  One  summer's  day, 
walking  along  the  shaded  path  leading  from  the  Execu- 
tive-mansion to  the  War-oflice,  I  saw  the  tall  awkward 
form  of  the  President  seated  on  the  grass  under  a  tree. 
A  wounded  soldier,  seeking  back-pay  and  a  pension,  had 
met  the  President,  and,  having  recognized  him,  asked  his 
counsel.  Lincoln  sat  down,  examined  the  papers  of  the 
soldier,  and  told  him  what  to  do,  sent  him  to  the  proper 
Bureau  with  a  note,  which  secured  prompt  attention. 

After  the  terribly  destructive  battles  between  Grant  and 
Lee,  in  the  Wilderness  of  Virginia,  after  days  of  dreadful 
slaughter,  the  lines  of  ambulances,  conveying  the  wounded 
from  the  steamers  on  the  Potomac  to  the  great  field 
hospitals  on  the  heights  around  Washington,  would  be 
continuous, — one  unbroken  line  from  the  wharf  to  the 
hospital.  At  such  a  time,  I  have  seen  the  President,  in 
his  carriage,  driving  slowly  along  the  line,  and  he  looked 
like  one  who  had  lost  the  dearest  members  of  his  own 
family.  On  one  such  occasion,  meeting  me,  he  stopped 
and  said,  "I  can  not  bear  this;  this  suffering,  this  loss  of 
life — is  dreadful." 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  1 89 

I  recalled  to  him  a  line  from  a  letter  he  had  years 
before  written  to  a  friend,  whose  great  sorrow  he  had 
sought  to  console.  Reminding  him  of  the  incident,  I 
asked  him,  "Do  you  remember  writing  to  your  suffering 
friend  these  words: 

''A  fid  tJiis  too  s  J  tail  pass  aiuay, 
Never  fear.      Victory  will  comer 

In  all  his  State  papers  and  speeches  during  these  years 
of  strife  and  passion,  there  can  be  found  no  words  of 
bitterness,  no  denunciation.  When  others  railed,  he  railed 
not  again.  He  was  always  dignified,  magnanimous, 
patient,  considerate,  manl}%  and  true.  His  duty  was  ever 
performed  "  with  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for 
all,"  and  with  "firmness  in  the  right  as  God  givx-s  us  to 
see  the  right." 

NEVER   A   DEMAGOGUE. 

Lincoln  was  never  a  demagogue.  He  respected  and 
loved  the  people,  but  never  flattered  them.  No  man  ever 
heard  him  allude  to  his  humble  life  and  manual  labor, 
in  a  way  to  obtain  votes.  None  knew  better  than  he, 
that  splitting  rails  did  not  qualify  a  man  for  public  duties. 
He  realized  painfully  the  defects  of  his  education,  and 
labored  diligently  and  successfully  to  supply  his  defi- 
ciencies. 

HIS   CONVERSATION. 

He  had  no  equal  as  a  talker  in  social  life.  His  con- 
versation was  fascinating  and  attractive.  He  was  full  of 
wit,  humor,  and  anecdote,  and,  at  the  same  time,  original, 
suggestive,  and  instructive.  There  was  in  his  character  a 
singular  mingling  of  mirthfulness  and  melanchol)'.  While 
his  sense  of  the  ludicrous  was  keen,  and  his  fun  and  mirth 
were  exuberent,  and  sometimes  almost  irrepressible;  his 
conversation  sparkling  with  jest,  story,  and  anecdote  and 
in  droll  description,  he  would  pass  suddenly  to  another 
mood,  and  become  sad  and  pathetic — a  melancholy  ex- 
pression of  his  homely  face  would  show  that  he  was  "  a 
man  of  sorrows  and  acquainted  with  grief" 


190  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 


HIS   STORIES. 


The  newspapers,  in  America,  have  ahvays  beeri  full  of 
Lincoln's  stories  and  anecdotes,  some  true  and  many  fabu- 
lous. 

He  always  had  a  story  ready,  and,  if  not,  he  could 
improvise  one,  just  fitted  for  the  occasion.  The  follow- 
ing may,  I  think,  be  said  to  have  been  adapted: 

An  Atlantic  port,  in  one  of  the  British  provinces,  was, 
during  the  war,  a  great  resort  and  refuge  for  blockade- 
runners,  and  a  large  contraband  trade  was  said  to  have 
been  carried  on  from  that  port  with  the  Confederates. 
Late  in  the  summer  of  1864,  while  the  election  of  presi- 
dent was  pending,  Lincoln  being  a  candidate,  the  Gov- 
ernor-General of  that  province,  with  some  of  the  principal 
officers,  visited  Washington,  and  called  to  pay  their 
respects  to  the  executive.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  very 
much  annoyed  by  the  failure  of  these  officials  to  enforce, 
very  strictly,  the  rules  of  neutrality,  but  he  treated  his 
guests  with  great  courtesy.  After  a  pleasant  interview, 
the  Governor,  alluding  to  the  approaching  presidential 
election,  said,  jokingly,  but  with  a  grain  of  sarcasm,  'T 
understand,  Mr.  President,  everybody  votes  in  this  coun- 
try.    If  we  remain  until  November  can  we  vote.''" 

**You  remind  me,"  replied  the  President,  "of  a  country- 
man of  yours,  a  green  emigrant  from  Ireland.  Pat  arrived 
in  New  York  on  election  day,  and  was,  perhaps,  as  eager 
as  Your  Excellency,  to  vote,  and  to  vote  early  and  late 
and  often.  So,  upon  his  landing  at  Castle  Garden,  he 
hastened  to  the  nearest  voting  place,  and,  as  he  ap- 
proached, the  judge,  who  received  the  ballots,  inquired, 
'who  do  you  want  to  vote  for.^  on  which  side  are  you.-^' 
Poor  Pat  was  embarrassed,  he  did  not  know  who  were  the 
candidates.  He  stopped,  scratched  his  head,  then,  with 
the  readiness  of  his  countrymen,  he  said: 

** '  I  am  foment  the  Government,  anyhow.  Tell  me,  if 
your  Honor  plases,  \yhich  is  the  rebellion  side,  and  I'll  tell 
you  how  I  want  to  vote.  In  Ould  Ireland,  I  was  always 
on  the  rebellion  side,  and,  by  Saint  Patrick,  I'll  stick  to 
that  same  in  America.' 

**Your  Excellency,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "would,  I  should 
think,  not  be  at  all  at  a  loss  on  which  side  to  vote.''" 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  I9I 

THE   BOOKS    HE   READ. 

The  two  books  he  read  most  were  the  Bible  and  Shake- 
speare. With  them  he  was  famihar,  readin<j  and  quoting 
from  them  constantly.  Next  to  Shakespeare,  among  the 
poets,  was  Burns,  with  whom  he  had  a  hearty  sympath}-, 
and  upon  whose  poetry  he  wrote  a  lecture.  He  was 
extremely  fond  of  ballads,  and  of  simple,  sad,  and  plain- 
tive music. 

I  called  one  day  at  the  White  House,  to  introduce  two 
officers  of  the  Union  army,  both  Swedes.  Immediately 
he  began  and  repeated  from  memory,  to  the  delight  of 
his  visitors,  a  long  ballad,  descriptive  of  Norwegian  sce- 
nery, a  Norse  legend,  and  the  adventures  of  an  old  Viking 
among  the  fiords  of  the  -North. 

He  said  he  had  read  the  poem  in  a  newspaper,  and  the 
visit  of  these  Swedes  recalled  it  to  his  memory. 

On  the  last  Sunday  of  his  life,  as  he  was  sailing  up  the 
Potomac,  returning  to  Washington  from  his  visit  to  Rich- 
mond, he  read  aloud  many  extracts  from  Macbeth,  and, 
among  others,  the  following,  and  with  a  tone  and  accent 
so  impressive  that,  after  his  death,  it  was  vividly  recalled 
by  those  who  heard  him: 

"Duncan  is  in  his  grave; 
After  life's  fitful  fever,  he  sleeps  well; 
Treason  has  done  his  worst:  nor  steel,  nor  poison, 
Malice  domestic,  foreign  levy,  nothing, 
Can  touch  him  further!" 

After  his  assassination,  those  friends  could  not  fail  to 
recall  this  passage  from  the  same  play. 

"This  Duncan 
Hath  borne  his  faculties  so  meek,  hath  been 
So  clear  in  his  great  office,   that  his  virtues 
Will  plead  like  angels,  trum]iet-tongued  against 
The  deep  damnation  of  his  taking-oflf. " 

HIS    RELIGION. 

It  is  strange  that  any  reader  of  Lincoln's  speeches  and 
writings,  should  have  had  the  hardihood  to  charge  him 
with  infidelity,  but  the  charge,  having  been  repeatedly 
made,  I  reply,  in  the  light  of  facts  accessible  to  all,  that 
no   more   reverent   christian   (not   excepting   Washington) 


\ 


192  EARLY    ILLINOIS. 

ever  filled  the  chair  of  President.  Declarations  of  his 
trust  in  God,  his  faith  in  the  efficacy  of  prayer,  pervade 
his  speeches  and  writings.  From  the  time  he  left  Spring- 
field,  to  his  death,  he  not  only  himself  continuedly  prayed 
for  Divine  assistance,  but  never  failed  to  ask  the  prayers 
of  others  for  himself  and  his  country. 

His  reply  to  the  negroes  of  Baltimore,  who,  in  1864, 
presented  him  with  a  beautiful  Bible,  as  an  expression  of 
their  love  and  gratitude,  ought  to  have  silenced  all  who 
have  made  such  charges.  After  thanking  them,  he  said, 
"This  great  book  is  the  best  gift  God  has  given  to  man. 
All  the  good  from  the  Saviour  of  the  world  is  communi- 
cated through  this  book." 

When  a  member  of  Congress,  knowing  his  religious 
character,  asked  him  "why  he  did  not  join  some  church.'^" 
Mr.  Lincoln  replied,  "Because  I  found  difficulty,  without 
mental  reservation,  in  giving  my  assent  to  their  long  and 
complicated  confessions  of  faith.  When  any  church  will 
inscribe  over  its  altar  the  Saviour's  condensed  statement 
of  law  and  gospel,  'Thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God 
with  all  thy  heart,  with  all  thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy  mind, 
and  thy  neighbor  as  thyself,'  that  church  will  I  join  with 
all  my  heart." 

WHAT   HE   ACCOMPLISHED. 

Let  us  try  to  sum  up  in  part  what  he  accomplished. 

When  he  assumed  the  duties  of  the  executive,  he  found 
an  empty  treasury,  the  National  credit  gone,  the  little 
nucleus  of  an  army  and  navy  scattered  and  disarmed,  the 
officers,  who  had  not  deserted  to  the  rebels,  strangers;  the 
party  which  elected  him  in  a  minority  (he  having  been 
elected  only  because  his  opponents  were  divided  between 
Douglas,  Breckenridge,  and  Everett),  the  old  Democratic 
party,  which  had  ruled  most  of  the  time  for  half  a  century, 
hostile,  and  even  that  part  of  it  in  the  North,  from  long 
association,  in  sympathy  with  the  insurgents;  his  own  party 
made  up  of  discordant  elements,  and  neither  he  nor  his  par- 
ty had  acquired  prestage  and  the  confidence  of  the  people. 
It  is  the  exact  truth  to  say  that  when  he  entered  the 
White  House  he  was  the  object  of  personal  prejudice  to  a 
majority  of  the  American  people,  and  of  contempt  to  a 


5 


ABRAHAM    LINCULX.  1 93 

powerful  minority.  He  entered  upon  his  task  of  restoring 
the  integrity  of  a  broken  Union,  without  sympathy  from 
any  of  the  great  powers  of  Western  Europe.  Those  which 
were  not  hostile,  manifested  a  cold  neutralit)',  exhibiting 
toward  him  and  his  government  no  cordial  good-will,  nor 
extending  any  moral  aid.  Yet,  in  spite  of  all,  he  crushed 
the  most  stupendous  rebellion,  supported  by  armies  more 
vast,  b\'  resources  greater,  and  an  organization  more  per- 
fect, than  ever  before  undertook  the  dismemberment  of  a 
nation.  He  united  and  held  together,  against  contending 
factions,  his  own  party,  and  strengthened  it  by  securing 
the  confidence  and  winning  the  support  of  the  best  part  of 
all  parties.  He  composed  the  quarrels  of  rival  generals; 
and,  at  length,  won  the  respect,  and  confidence,  and  .sym- 
pathy of  all  nations  and  peoples.  He  was  reelected, 
almost  by  acclamation,  and,  after  a  series  of  brilliant  vic- 
tories, he  annihilated  all  armed  opposition.  He  led  the 
people,  step  b)'  step,  to  emancipation,  and  saw  his  work 
crowned  by  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  eradicat- 
ing and  prohibiting  slavery  forever,  throughout  the  Re- 
public. 

Such  is  a  brief  and  imperfect  summary  of  his  achieve- 
ments during  the  last  five  years  of  his  life.  And  this 
good  man,  when  the  hour  of  victory  came,  made  it  not  the 
hour  of  vengeance,  but  of  forgiveness  and  reconciliation. 

These  five  years  of  incessant  labor  and  fearful  responsi- 
bility told  even  upon  his  strength  and  vigor.  He  left 
Illinois,  for  the  Capital,  with  a  frame  of  iron  and  nerves  of 
steel.  His  old  friends  who  had  known  him  as  a  man  who 
did  not  know  what  illness  was;  who  had  seen  him  on  the 
prairies  before  the  Illinois  courts,  full  of  life,  genial,  and 
sparkling  with  fun;  now  saw  the  wrinkles  on  his  forehead 
deepened  into  furrows — the  laugh  of  the  old  days  lost  its 
heartiness;  anxiety,  responsibilit}',  care,  and  hard  work 
wore  upon  him,  and  his  nerves  of  steel,  at  times,  became 
irritable.  He  had  had  no  respite,  had  taken  no  holidays. 
When  others  fled  awa}',  from  the  dust  and  heat  of  the 
Capital,  he  stayed.  He. would  not  leave  the  helm  until 
all  danger  was  past,  and  the  good  ship  of  state  had  made 
her  port. 

I   will   not  dwell   upon  the  unutterable  sorrow,  of  the 


194  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

American  people,  at  his  shocking  death.  But  I  desire  to 
express  here,  in  this  great  City  of  this  grand  Empire,  the 
sensibility  with  which  the  people  of  the  United  States 
received,  at  his  death,  the  sympathy  of  the  English-speak- 
ing race. 

That  sympathy  was  most  eloquently  expressed  by  all. 
It  came  from  Windsor  Castle  to  the  White  House;  from 
Ensfland's  widowed  Oueen  to  the  stricken  and  distracted 
widow  at  Washington.  From  Parliament  to  Congress, 
from  the  people  of  all  this  magnificent  Empire,  as  it 
stretches  round  the  world,  from  England  to  India,  from 
Canada  to  Australia,  came  words  of  deep  feeling,  and  they 
w^ere  received  by  the  American  people,  in  their  sore 
bereavement,  as  the  expression  of  a  kindred  race. 

I  can  not  forbear  referring  in  particular  to  the  words 
spoken  in  Parliament  on  that  occasion,  by  Lords  Russell 
and  Derby,  and,  especially,  by  that  great  and  picturesque 
leader,  so  lately  passed  away.  Lord  Beaconsfield.  After  a 
discriminating  eulogy  upon  the  late  President,  and  the 
expression  of  profound  sympathy,  he  said: 

"Nor  is  it  possible  for  the  people  of  England,  at  such  a 
moment,  to  forget  that  he  sprang  from  the  same  father- 
land and  spake  the  same  mother-tongue." 

God  grant  that,  in  all  the  unknown  future,  nothing  may 
ever  disturb  the  friendly  feeling  and  respect  which  each 
nation  entertains  for  the  other.  May  there  never  be  an- 
other quarrel  in  the  family. 


ABRAHAM   LIN'COLX. 


Edwardsville,  III.,  Sept.  6,  iSSi. 

Hon.  I.  N.  Arnold, 

Dear  Sir: — I  thank  you  for  that  copy  of  your  admir- 
able address  before  the  London  Historical  Society  touching 
our  great  and  good  friend  Mr.  Lincoln;  and  I  doubly  thank 
you  for  the  truthful  and  attractive  manner  in  which  you 
presented  his  life  and  character  in  his  lowly  and  higher 
walks. 

Sometimes  I  feel  that  my  life  has  been  a  mere  delusion; 
that  I  could  have  personally  known  and  been  on  terms  of 
intimacy  with  one  who  fills  so  large  a  measure  of  space  in 
the  world's  estimation  appears  impossible  and  unreal. 

I  became  acquainted  with  the  great  commoner  in  1832, 
in  the  second  Blackhawk  campaign.  He  was  wrestling  at 
the  time  with  one  Dow  Thompson,  the  champion  wrestler 
of  Southern  Illinois.  Lincoln  was  Captain  of  a  company 
from  Menard  County,  and  was  champion  of  the  Northern 
section.  There  was  hardly  any  North  at  that  time,  in  its 
present  acceptation.  They  were  both  men  of  huge  pro- 
portions and  Herculean  strength.  Thompson  was  six  feet 
high,  Lincoln  six  feet  four,  and  the  bystanders  concluded 
that  Dow  had  the  advantage  in  that  respect,  but  Lincoln 
came  out  triumphant  owing  to  his  greater  mental  resources. 
He  had  more  skill  than  his  opponent. 

I  have  talked  with  Mr.  Lincoln  about  this  incident  after 
he  became  President,  and   it  amused   him   exceedingly  to 


194^^  LETTER   OF    HON.   JOSEPH   GILLESPIE. 

recall  the  scenes  of  his  early  life  in  the  backwoods.  He 
alluded  very  kindly  to  Dow  Thompson,  and  had  kept  trace 
of  him  from  St.  Clair  County,  Illinois,  to  Arkansas.  Dow 
was  a  true  specimen  of  the  genus  Pioneer.  His  property 
was  all  absorbed  in  paying  fines  for  fighting  with  the  Ger- 
mans, who  began  soon  after  the  Blackhawk  war  to  move 
into  St.  Clair  County,  and  Dow  had  to  emigrate,  and,  like 
most  of  his  class,  went  to  Arkansas  where  game  was  more 
abundant  and  he  could  fight  in  peace  ''without  being 
troubled  with  the  minions  of  the  law."  Dow  had  no  malice 
in  his  composition.  He  seldom  fought  because  he  was 
mad,  but  just  to  find  out  who  was  the  best  man;  but  his 
curiosity  on  this  head  was  intense  and  often  gratified.  He 
held  Lincoln  in  high  estimation  because  he  was  a  funny 
fellow  "and  much  of  a  man." 

The  next  I  saw  of  Lincoln  was  at  Vandalia  as  a  Repre- 
sentative in  the  Legislature  from  Sangamon  County.  He 
was  one  of  the  celebrated  "long  nine."  By  this  time  he 
had  studied  law,  and  was  the  acknowledged  leader  of  the 
Whig  party  in  the  House,  and  was  always  put  forth  to 
squelch  out  some  poor  wight  of  a  Democrat  (who  had 
made  himself  particularly  obnoxious)  by  one  of  his  inimi- 
table stories. 

Lincoln  and  I  were  born  in  the  same  year,  of  the  same 
political  faith  and  calling,  and  raised  in  the  same  back- 
woods fashion,  and  soon  became  intimate.  I  ever  after- 
ward followed  his  lead,  and  regarded  him  as  a  rough  dia- 
mond of  the  purest  water.  But,  with  all  my  admiration 
for  him,  it  never  entered  my  head  that  he  had  those 
supreme  qualities  that  are  essential  to  enable  a  man  to 
guide  the  ship  of  State  safely  through  the  storms,  among 
the  rocks,  and  over  the  quicksands  of  direful  war. 

Events  have  proven,  however,  that  he  had  transcendant 
greatness  stored  away  in  the  recesses  of  his  nature,  quali- 


LETTKK   OF    HON.   JOSEPH    GILLESPIE.  194^ 

ties  that  would  make  him  equal  to  the  greatest  emergen- 
cies. And  now  that  his  fame  knows  no  bounds,  that  the 
loftiest  intellects  and  those  occupying  the  highest  positions 
in  the  world  bow  in  deference  to  his  greatness  and  his  vir- 
tues, I  can  hardly  realize  that  it  was  my  lot  to  have  been 
on  terms  of  personal  intimacy  with  one  of  his  almost  super- 
human endowments.  I  see  him  at  one  view  the  rough, 
awkward,  good-natured  backwoods  boy,  delighting  his 
companions  with  his  apt  and  amusing  stories  and  illustra- 
tions. Next  I  see  him  in  the  forum  convincing  the  court 
and  entrancing  the  juries;  then  I  behold  him  in  the  halls 
of  legislation  and  on  the  busting  the  peer  (I  may  say  the 
superior)  of  all  his  antagonists,  but  yet  he  was  not  beyond 
rivalry;  others  were  his  equals  thus  far,  but  his  time  had 
not  yet  come.  Now  without  any  adventitious  aids  he  has 
worked  himself  into  the  Presidential  chair.  He  takes  the 
helm  of  the  ship  of  State  in  the  most  turbulent  and  trying 
period  in  the  world's  history.  Will  he  be  equal  to  this  su- 
preme occasion?  We  doubt,  we  almost  despair.  Day  by 
da)',  however,  his  powers  unfold  themselves,  and  he  meets 
.  and  overcomes  every  difficulty  with  transcendant  ability- 
We  are  beginning  to  feel  that  in  the  ungainly  Illinois  law- 
}'er  we  have  the  right  man  in  the  right  place.  We  soon 
make  up  our  minds  that  Providence  has  raised  up  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  for  this  special  occasion,  and  we  trust  with 
childlike  confidence  in  his  wisdom  and  patriotism.  Now 
he  begins  to  attract  the  attention  and  command  the  admi- 
ration of  all  mankind.  A  Collosus  has  risen  in  the  West. 
Two  millions  of  men  have  sprung  to  arms  at  his  bidding. 
Is  he  to  be  a  disturber,  or  has  he  come  for  the  repose  of 
the  nations?  Let  us  see.  He  crushes  out  the  Rebellion. 
He  strikes  the  shackles  from  the  limbs  of  4,000,000  slaves. 
He  preaches  good-will  to  all  men,  even  those  who  had  been 
striving  to  destroy  this  blest  Government.    He  has  demon- 


194'^  LETTER   OF   HON.   JOSEPH    GILLESPIE. 

strated  that  ours  is  not  only  the  best,  but  the  strongest 
Government  in  the  world.  At  this  juncture  he  is  stricken 
by  the  hand  of  the  assassin,  while  in  the  full  blaze  of  his 
glory,  when  the  whole  earth  was  filled  with  his  praises  and 
deep  regret  at  his  death. 

No  impartial  man  has  ever  imputed  to  Abraham  Lincoln 
an  error  of  judgment  or  an  unworthy  intent.  I  claim  my 
share  of  the  credit  of  belonging  to  a  race  and  a  nation  that 
is  capable  of  producing  so  great  and  so  good  a  man.  I 
was  proud  to  see  that  Englishmen  could  appreciate  his 
abilities  and  his  worth.  None  but  the  Anglo-Saxon  blood 
could  unite  such  greatness  with  such  moderation.  I  delight 
in  the  admiration  of  England,  and  am  vexed  when  she  acts 
in  a  spirit  of  hostility  toward  us.  I  was  for  war  with  her 
on  account  of  the  Trent  affair;  but  still  I  like  her  with  all 
her  faults.  She  has  so  many  of  the  noblest  of  God's  crea- 
tion in  her  midst.  Her  John  Bright,  and  her  Goldwin 
Smith,  and  that  sort  of  men  prevented  our  swearing  eternal 
hostility  to  our  old  mother. 

I  again  thank  you  for  giving  our  cousins  a  just  and  truth- 
ful view  of  our  model  man  and  President.  Write  at  your 
earliest  convenience.  It  always  affords  me  pleasure  to 
hear  from  you.     I  am  your  old  friend, 

J.  GILLESPIE. 


STEPHEN  ARXOLD  DOUGLAS. 

By  JAMES  W.  SHEAHAN,   ESQ. 


A  Paper  read  before  the  Chicago  University,  Bryan  Hall,  July  3,  1861. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Trustees  and  Regents  of  the  Chicago  University, 
held  June  5,  1861,  with  other  proceedings,  touching  the  death  of  the  Hon. 
S.  A.  Douglas,  it  was  ordered  that  at  the  annual  commencement  exercises  on 
the  3d  of  July,  there  be  an  oration  upon  the  illustrious  Statesman,  and  I'resi- 
dent  of  the  15oard  of  Trustees.  The  Hon.  Samuel  H.  Treat,  Judge  of  the 
United  States  District  Court  for  the  Southern  District  of  Illinois,  was  ap- 
pointed orator  for  the  occasion.  Subsequently,  on  the  30th  June,  Judge  Treat 
informed  the  committee  of  his  inability  to  be  present.  In  the  meantime, 
committees  of  the  Common  Council,  and  of  the  Douglas  Club  having  been 
similarly  disappointed  in  the  persons  chosen  by  them  to  deliver  a  like  oration, 
proposed  to  Mr.  Sheahan  to  deliver  the  address,  and  for  that  purpose  united 
with  the  committee  on  the  part  of  the  University,  and  agreed  to  have  but  one 
address,  to  be  delivered  at  the  commencement  exercises.  Extracts  from  this 
address  are  given  in  this  publication. 

When  the  traveler  hears,  in  his  old  age  and  retirement, 
the  name  of  some  distant  city,  village,  or  land  which  had 
been  familiar  to  him  in  his  journeys,  how  his  eyes  will 
brighten,  and  the  blood  course  more  warmly  through  his 
heart,  as  that  name  recalls  scenes  of  love,  of  peril,  of 
pleasure,  or  of  storm.  And  to  you,  gentlemen,  who  were 
his  political  friends,  and  you  who  served  with  him  in  the 
establishment  and  conduct  of  this  University,  and  to  us 
all  of  Chicago,  and  of  Illinois,  will  not,  until  the  latest 
days  of  our  lives,  the  name  of  Stephen  Arnold  Douglas 
carry  back  memories  to  days  when  he  stood  a  tower  of 
strength  in  the  national  edifice,  and  we  found  happiness 
and  honor  in  resting  at  his  feet.^ 

And  now,  what  shall  I  say  of  him.'  What  shall  I  say 
of  him  whose  name  and  achievements  are  familiar  to  us 
all.'^  Shall  I  say  to  you  that  he  was  intellectually  great.' 
That  fact  is  recorded  in  enduring  characters  upon  the  his- 
tory of  his  country — characters  carved  by  himself  mid  the 


196  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

storms  of  controversy,  the  heat  of  popular  anger,  the 
tumult  of  popular  passion,  as  well  as  in  the  hours  of  na- 
tional peace.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  a  man  not  only 
intellectually  great,  but  gifted  with  a  mind  that  was  extra- 
ordinarily active.  Trace  him  from  the  day,  when  having 
mastered  his  letters  at  his  mother's  knee,  he  was  sent  with 
his  sister  to  the  village  school,  down  to  the  last  moment 
before  death  stilled  forever  the  massive,  active  brain,  and 
you  find  that  the  mind  of  Douglas  not  only  took  in  the 
present  in  its  comprehensive  grasp,  but  also  and  always, 
sought  to  penetrate  that  future,  in  which  for  the  honor  and 
glory  of  his  country,  he  hoped  and  determined  to  bear  an 
active  and  honorable  part.  He  was  rarely,  if  ever,  merely 
quiescent.  He  rarely,  if  ever,  gave  a  partial,  cold  or  a 
careless  support  to  any  measure  of  public  policy;  he  was 
either  the  firm  and  persevering  and  ardent  advocate,  or  he 
was  the  firm  and  persevering  and  ardent  opponent.  His 
mind  was  so  constituted,  that  even  when  surrounded  bv 
counsellors  and  friends  urging  him  to  a  policy  that  would 
result  in  his  own  personal  advancement,  he  could  not 
govern  his  acts,  control  his  speech,  or  regulate  his  move- 
ments by  any  thought  of  personal  advantage;  and  hence 
it  was  that  there  was  forever  coming  up  from  the  lips  of 
professional  politicians  the  complaint  that  just  as  every- 
thing had  been  fixed,  and  every  plan  and  preparation  made 
for  his  elevation,  Douglas  would,  by  some  speech,  letter,  or 
act  blow  their  whole  scheme  to  atoms,  and  dissipate  all 
their  hopes  of  ever  reaching  power  and  place  through  his 
statesmanship.  If  there  be  any  present  who  ever  partici- 
pated in  party  struggles  with  him,  they  will,  I  am  sure, 
verify  the  truth  of  what  I  have  said.  He  was  forever 
knocking  over  the  paper  houses  and  pasteboard  castles 
which  the  professional  politicians  of  his  party  were  erect- 
ing for  his  benefit;  and  he  did  so  because  his  mind  was  of 
that  practical  nature  which  rejected  everything  and  all 
things  that  would  not  survive  the  severe  test  and  crushing 
pressure  of  fixed  and  imperative  principle. 

He  was  remarkable  for  the  almost  instantaneous  judg- 
ments he  formed  and  expressed  upon  all  propositions;  he 
never  wavered ;  he  rarely  doubted ;  and  never  changed  his 
conviction.     This  peculiarity  has  been  the  subject  of  com- 


STEPHEN    A.    DOUGLAS.  I97 

plaint  from  friend,  and  has  served  to  poison  many  a  shaft 
from  an  adv^ersary's  bow.  Political  friends,  whose  notion 
of  political  navic^ation  is  to  keep  forever  in  smooth  water, 
and  never  go  out  of  si^ht  of  land,  always  considered 
Douglas  an  unsafe  leader,  because,  instead  of  looking  at 
new  questions,  with  the  view  of  taking  such  course  as 
would  avoid  a  storm,  and  keep  the  cargo  of  spoils  safely 
stowed,  he  would  promptly  decide  the  matter  upon  its 
merits,  and  calling  on  all  who  dare  defend  the  right,  boldly 
launch  out  to  meet  the  gale,  and  battle  with  its  conse- 
quences. 

And  why,  fellow-citizens,  did  Mr.  Douglas  act  thus.^  I 
say  that  it  was  because  he  had  the  most  unbounded  confi- 
dence in  the  people.  He  believed,  and  the  conviction  had 
become  part  of  his  nature,  that  the  popular  heart  was 
honest,  that  the  popular  mind  was  intelligent,  and  that 
time  and  reason  would  inevitably  bring  an  honest  and 
intelligent  people  to  an  appreciation  of  the  right;  and  that 
a  people  thus  led  to  appreciate  and  approve,  would  in  the 
end  prove  far  more  reliable  citizens,  and  a  surer  bulwark 
for  the  Union  than  a  people  cajoled  by  sophistry  into  a 
hasty  endorsement  of  a  policy,  which,  not  having  been 
examined  and  adopted  by  reason,  might,  at  any  moment 
of  popular  excitement  be  as  hastily  abandoned. 

The  great  secret,  or,  the  great  means  which  enabled  him 
to  decide  with  such  apparent  rapidity  and  accuracy,  upon 
all  points  of  national  politics,  consisted  in  nothing  more 
nor  less  than  that  he  tried  all  such  quustions  by  certain 
principles.  As  parallel  lines  must  be  equally  distant  from 
each  other  at  all  points,  and  can  not  be  parallel  if  other- 
wise, so  if  any  measure,  or  policy,  or  doctrine  deviated  even 
to  a  hair's-breadth  from  the  iron  rule  by  which  he  marked 
the  line  of  duty  and  of  patriotism,  then,  to  the  extent  of 
that  deviation,  be  it  great  or  small,  that  measure,  or  policy, 
or  doctrine,  in  his  judgment,  was  wrong.  But  do  not  let 
me  be  understood  as  saying  that  his  judgments  were  after 
the  Procrustean  style.  He  did  not  say  a  thing  should  be 
so  short  or  so  long,  so  broad  and  so  narrow;  but  he  said  the 
north  star  indicated  the  true  pole,  and  that  that  compass 
that  turned  to  the  right  or  to  the  left,  and  pointed  else- 
where than  to  the  starry  beacon,  fixed  from  all  time  by 

14 


198  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

God's  own  unerring  hand,  was  a  false  compass,  and,  to- 
gether with  the  pilot  who  persisted  in  its  use,  ought  to  be 
thrown  overboard,  and  sunk  into  the  sea. 

It  has  been  popular  at  times,  with  the  enemies  of  Mr. 
Douglas,  to  charge  him  with  truckling  to  the  slave  interest. 
Never,  never,  was  there  greater  injustice.  I  speak  of  this 
not  to  vindicate  his  party  fidelity,  nor  his  patriotism,  but 
to  vindicate  from  an  ungenerous  aspersion,  his  powerful 
intellect.  He  truckle  to  any  one!  He  stoop,  and  be 
mean  and  sordid!  It  was  impossible  for  him  to  do  so. 
He  despised  and  held  in  utter  abhorrence  that  system  of 
political  bondage  which  held  free-born  micn  of  intelligence 
as  servitors  at  the  stirrup  of  those  who  claim  by  prescrip- 
tion the  privilege  of  riding  rough -shod  over  all  who 
thronged  the  high-road  of  life.  He  was  a  FREEMAN  in 
the  fullest  sense  of  the  term.  He  resisted  the  aggressive 
claims  of  slavery,  and  with  equal  power  the  aggressive 
aims  of  the  abolitionists.  He  could  not  unite  with  either 
wholly,  because  he  held  both  to  be  wrong.  He  stood  man- 
fully beside  slavery  when  slavery  claimed  what  the  Con- 
stitution granted  it;  he  stood  as  manfully  with  the  abo- 
litionists in  resisting  slavery  when  it  demanded  more  than 
the  Constitution  granted.  But  he  would  stand  by  neither 
slavery  nor  abolitionism  when  they  sought  to  go  beyond 
the  Constitution.  Had  slavery  been  content  with  what 
the  Constitution  granted  it,  it  would  have  been  an  easy 
task  to  crush  out  abolitionism.  Had  abolitio'nism  sought 
only  to  confine  slavery  by  the  limits  of  the  Constitution, 
it  would  have  been  as  easy  to  crush  out  the  wild  advocates 
of  extra  Constitutional  privileges.  Mr.  Douglas  labored  to 
bring  either  of  these  adverse  factions  to  a  Constitutional 
theory  and  practice,  and  would  have  succeeded,  had  he  not 
been  betrayed,  even  in  the  hour  of  success,  by  men  who 
were  ready  to  sacrifice  themselves  and  country  for  the 
wretched  satisfaction  of  ruining  him. 

Mr.  Douglas  never,  I  say  it  confidently,  yielded  one  iota 
of  principle  to  slavery.  His  intellect  forbade  it.  His 
whole  political  system  was  like  a  delicately  constructed 
apparatus,  in  which  the  motive  power,  as  well  as  mechani- 
cal agents,  were  principles  so  intimately  connected  and 
harmoniously  arranged,  that  were  he  to  withdraw  a  single 


STKI'IIKX    A.    DuLHiLAS.  I99 

spriny^,  or  pivot,  or  wheel,  or  other  part,  no  matter  how 
minute,  the  whole  fabric  would  fall  to  pieces,  a  total  wreck 
and  ruin.  He  took  pride  in  beini;  the  architect  of  his  own 
fame — a  fame  chained  in  spite  of  opposition,  and  those  who 
knew  him  intimatel)-  know  that  there  was  alwaj's  a  greater 
probability  of  his  seeking  and  provoking;  hostility'  than 
trucklin<4  or  }'ielding  to  avoid  it.  He  was  brave;  he  was 
confident;  he  knew  the  power  of  his  own  great  intellect; 
and  it  is  unnatural  to  suppose  that  he  would  stoop  when 
he  miirht  command. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  a  Patriot,  and  his  patriotism,  his  devo- 
tion to  the  flag,  and  honor  and  integrit)'  of  the  Union,  did 
not  date  their  birth  with  the  commencement  of  the  pres- 
ent war.  There  have  been  other  wars,  and  other  occasions, 
when  there  was  need  of  strong  arms  in  the  field,  and  stout 
hearts  and  eloquent  words  in  council.  Mr.  Douglas,  the 
moment  this  war  commenced,  promptly  visited  the  Presi- 
dent, tendering  him  all  the  aid  he  could  render, — not 
seeking,  like  others,  to  be  made  a  brigadier  in  a  service  of 
which  he  knew  nothing — but  tendering  him  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  a  power  in  the 
nation  which  no  one  save  himself  could  successfully  wield. 
In  this  we  have  another  instance  of  Mr.  Douglas'  prompt- 
ness in  decision.  We  all  know  how  hostile  a  large  body 
of  our  own  people  were  to  the  war;  we  all  know  that  had 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  hesitated;  had  he  played  false  to 
himself  and  his  country;  had  he  called  on  the  disloyal  and 
disaffected  to  resist  the  war,  the  campaign  would  have 
commenced  not  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  but  on  the 
shores  of  Lake  Michigan.  In  this  case,  as  in  all  others, 
his  conduct  was  governed  by  principle;  that  principle  he 
had  expressed  in  these  bold  and  emphatic  words:  "Pa- 
triotism emanates  from  the  heart;  it  fills  the  soul;  inspires 
the  whole  man  with  a  devotion  to  his  country's  cause;  and 
speaks  and  acts  in  the  same  language.  The  Union  wants 
no  friends,  acknowledges  the  fidelity  of  no  citizen  who, 
after  war  is  declared,  condemns  the  justice  of  her  cause 
and  sympathizes  with  her  enemies.  All  such  are  traitors 
in  their  hearts,  and  it  onl)-  remains  for  them  to  commit 
some  overt  act,  for  which  they  may  be  dealt  with  accord- 
ing to  their  deserts." 


200  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

When  were  these  memorable  words  uttered  ?  Were  they 
spoken  when  Sumter  was  sustaining  the  fiery  cannonade? 
Were  they  uttered  when  hostile  legions  were  investing 
Pickens?  When  traitorous  Twiggs  was  giving  up  the 
country's  arms  and  munitions  to  the  traitors  in  Texas? 
Was  it  when  preparations  were  maturing  for  the  capture 
of  the  federal  city?  Not  so,  fellow-citizens!  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  had  not  lived  to  the  mature  age  of  forty-eight  to 
have  his  tongue  touched  for  the  first  time  with  the  fire  of 
patriotism.  He  was  a  patriot  in  1861,  but  he  had  been  as 
patriotic  before  that  period.  The  words  I  have  quoted 
were  uttered  when  the  brave  and  gallant  old  veteran  Tay- 
lor occupied  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  a 
miserable  faction  in  Congress  were  disputing,  as  another 
miserable  faction  is  now  disputing  in  Congress,"^  over  the 
point  whether  the  President  of  the  United  States  had  not 
exceeded  his  constitutional  authority  in  defending  the  soil 
and  government  from  invasion.  If  the  words  I  have  read 
are  just  and  patriotic  to-day,  and  who  will  say  they  are 
not?  they  were  as  just  and  patriotic  fifteen  years  ago;  and 
being  just  and  patriotic  then,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  utter 
them  tJicn,  but  left  to  craven  time-servers  and  sycophantic 
demagogues  the  privilege  of  waiting  until  1861  to  say  it 
was  treason  to  give  aid  or  comfort,  material  or  moral,  to 
the  enemies  of  their  country's  flag. 

I  have  spoken  of  his  confidence  in  the  honesty  and  in- 
telligence of  the  people.  This  was  the  grand  foundation 
of  all  his  plans  and  policies.  He  proposed  nothing,  sug- 
gested nothing,  planned  nothing  that  did  not  have  as  the 
foundation  the  honest  will  of  the  people.  Take  up  all  the 
schemes  that  he  may  have  framed,  examine  them  closely, 
notice  the  varied  styles  and  purposes  of  the  superstruct- 
ures, and  then  you  will  find  that  each  and  all  of  them  rest, 
or  were  intended  to  rest,  upon  the  virtuous  intelligence  of 
his  countrymen.  He  never,  even  in  the  darkest  hours  of 
popular  hostility,  never  despaired  of  the  people.  He  never 
complained  of  them,  but  the  records  of  the  country  con- 
tain many  an  expression  of  his  estimate  of  the  demagogues 
who  ride  upon  every  storm,  not  caring  into  what  folly  or 

*  This  Oration  was,  by  invitation,  repeated  July  i8th,  in  Chicago,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  "Douglas  Fund." 


STEPIIKN    A.    DOUGLAS.  201 

confusion  it  may  cany  the  country.  His  devotion  to  pop- 
ular interests  was  tinc^cd  with  no  dcmagogisni.  He  was 
oftener  in  conflict  with  the  leaders  and  fomenters  of 
popular  violence  and  passion  than  at  peace  with  them. 
He  claimed  to  be  one  of  the  people;  he  laid  no  claim  to 
distinction  from  ancestry;  he  preferred  to  be  an  honor  to 
his  name  than  to  recei\e  honor  from  it.  lie  had  known 
poverty  and  humiliation;  he  had  known  what  it  was  to 
want  for  bread,  and  not  to  have  the  means  to  procure  it. 
He  had  known  and  seen,  when  stru<^gling  in  obscurity,  the 
artifices  and  wickedness  of  those  who  abuse  the  confidence 
of  the  unsuspecting  populace.  His  sympathies  and  feel- 
ings were  all  with  the  mass  of  his  country-men,  and  to 
their  service  did  he  devote  his  life.  He  never  feared  a 
political  result,  if  the  popular  decision  was  postponed  to 
a  time  which  admitted  of  reaching  them  by  argument  and 
reason.  He  never  was  defeated  by  popular  will.  The 
election  of  last  year  w^as  no  criterion  of  Mr.  Douglas' 
popular  strength.  Had  there  been  any  hope  of  his  elec- 
tion; had  the  country  not  been  divided  by  sectional  strife 
and  wicked  purposes,  there  would  have  been  a  popular 
manifestation  in  his  favor  such  as  had  never  been  made  in 
the  case  of  any  other  American  statesman. 

You  have  heard  that  in  the  conduct  of  military  matters 
the  fortunes  of  a  disastrous  conflict  or  campaign  are  some- 
times reversed  by  the  indomitable  energy  and  bravery  of 
a  forlorn  hope — that  body  of  men  who  are  sent  out  on  a 
desperate  enterprise,  as  a  last  resort,  to  overcome,  by  a 
bold  adventure,  the  advantages  o(  the  enemy.  You  can 
well  understand  the  feelings  of  the  brave  hearts  engaged 
in  this  enterprise,  as  they  march  upon  a  mission  that  is  to 
end  in  their  death  and  in  the  defeat  of  their  cause,  or  in 
rolling  back  the  tide  of  defeat  that  has  pursued  them. 
Yet  they  have  /io/>i\  The  chances  may  be  fearful,  but 
nevertheless,  there  is  hope,  and  history  is  filled  with  in- 
stances of  the  successful  achievements  of  a  forlorn  hope. 
But  in  November  last,  what  a  spectacle  was  presented! 
One  million  five  hundred  thousand  freemen,  with  an  un- 
failing constancy,  a  devotion  and  a  heroic  fidelity  to  their 
cause,  marched  up  to  the  polls  and  voted  for  Stephen  A. 
Douglas!     Their  cause  was  in  as  desperate  a  strait  as  ever 


202  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

was  that  of  a  defeated  army ;  they  knew  they  were  marked 
men;  they  were  conspicuously  adorned  for  the  shots  of 
the  enemy,  yet  they  hesitated  not,  they  faltered  not,  nor 
were  they  dismayed.  They  were  forlorn,  but  they  could 
not  call  themselves  a  forlorn  hope,  for  they  had  no  hope; 
all  was  lost,  all  was  gone.  An  active  enemy  in  front,  a 
base  and  treacherous  foe  in  the  rear;  nevertheless,  with 
bayonets  fixed,  shoulder  to  shoulder,  and  with  locked  step, 
in  solid  column,  and  with  rapid  stride,  they  marched  boldly 
to  the  last  encounter!  That  was  devotion  to  be  proud  of, 
and  the  noble  leader,  whose  courage  had  led  him  personally 
into  the  very  recesses  of  the  enemy's  camp,  felt  prouder 
of  these  million  and  half  of  unbought  votes,  given  for  him 
by  men  who  knew  he  had  not  and  would  not  have  offices 
or  rewards  to  bestow,  than  if  he  had  been  elected  by  the 
exertions  of  those  who  were  confident  of  favors  from  him. 

Since  Clay,  no  American  ever  had  such  hosts  of  devoted 
personal  friends,  ever  had  such  multitudes  follow  him  be- 
cause they  loved  him  personally.  In  the  consciousness  of 
this  popular  affection,  Mr.  Douglas  found  ample  compen- 
sation for  his  public  labors.  And  it  was  his  boast  and  his 
pride,  that  he.  had  never,  by  precept  or  example,  taught 
any  of  his  countrymen  to  refuse  to  honor  and  to  follow  the 
flag  of  his  country,  or  to  resist,  oppose,  and  defy  the  laws 
and  Constitution  of  the  Union.  So  strong  was  this  honor- 
able pride,  so  ever-present  was  the  gratifying  thought,  that 
even  in  his  dying  hours,  rousing  temporarily  from  the 
delirium  of  fever,  he  gave  that  memorable  message  to  his 
children:  "Tell  them  to  Love  and  Obey  the  Con- 
stitution OF  THE  United  States." 

I  have  said  Mr.  Douglas  was  an  American.  His  Ameri- 
canism was  of  a  peculiar  nature.  Long  before  he  entered 
Congress,  during  the  political  controversies  of  i84i-'42, 
he  laid  down  as  a  fact  which  he  hoped  to  see  demonstrated 
in  recorded  history,  that  North  America  was  not  too  large 
for  this  American  republic,  that  the  American  flag  could 
cover  but  one  nation,  and  that  nation  should  extend  from 
the  extreme  north  to  the  lowest  waters  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  Twenty  years  ago,  he  declared  in  Congress  that 
there  was  not  room  enough  on  this  continent  for  another 
government — either  republican  or  monarchical,  and  at  the 


STEPHEN   A.    DOUGLAS.  203 

hour  of  his  death,  this  nation,  with  the  gov^ernment  in 
tlie  hands  of  men  who  had  sneered  at  his  doctrine,  and 
st}'led  his  pohcy  as  dema^^ogism,  was  about  to  tr\',  by  the 
ordeal  of  battle,  whether  the  national  ensign  could  be  kept 
extended  over  our  present  existing  limits,  or  a  banner  with 
a  strange  device,  planted  over  half  the  republic.  I  can  not 
do  him  greater  justice  than  to  quote  his  own  clear  and 
forcible  language:  "It  therefore,  becomes  us  to  put  this 
nation  in  a  state  of  defence;  and  when  we  are  told  that 
this  will  lead  to  war,  all  I  have  to  say  is  this:  violate  no 
treaty  stipulations,  nor  any  principle  of  the  law  of  nations; 
preserve  the  national  honor  and  integrity  of  the  country; 
but,  at  the  same  time,  assert  our  right  to  the  last  inch,  and 
then,  if  war  comes,  let  it  come.  We  may  regret  the  neces- 
sity which  produced  it,  but  when  it  does  come,  I  would 
administer  to  our  citizens  Hannibal's  oath  of  eternal  en- 
mity, and  not  terminate  it  until  the  question  was  settled 
forever."  That  was  his  language  twenty  years  ago,  and 
yet  there  are  those  who  affect  to  believe  that  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  did  not  become  a  patriot  until  after  he  had  lost 
all  hope  of  Southern  support.  It  is  true  that  this  was  said 
respecting  anticipated  trouble  with  a  foreign  foe,  but  the 
language  is  perfectly  applicable  to  a  domestic  enemy.  He 
had  more  respect  for,  and  could  recognize  and  admit  a 
degree  of  honor  on  the  part  of  a  foreign  enemy,  that  he 
could  not  concede  to  a  domestic  one.  His  memorable 
words — that  in  civil  war  there  can  be  no  neutrals — we 
must  be  patriots  or  traitors — will  serve  to  show  his  esti- 
mate of  those  who  dare  to  violate  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

But  that  was  not  all  he  said.  In  almost  prophetic  lan- 
guage, he  then  described  a  case  which  is  now  before  the 
country  for  decision.  He  declared  that  he  would  never 
consent  that  rival  petty  republics  should  grow  up  on  our 
border,  engendering  jealousy  of  each  other,  and  interfer- 
ing with  each  other's  domestic  affairs,  and  continuall}'  en- 
dangering the  i^oace  of  all.  And  the  reason  given  for  this 
was,  that  the  establishment  of  a  new  republic  on  this  con- 
tinent would  at  once  excite  a  jealousy  toward  our  own, 
and  as  that  new  republic  must  natural  I \'  be  the  weaker,  it 
would  seek  European  alliances,  and  these  alliances  would. 


204  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

of  course,  make  this  rival  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
British  power,  through  which  to  assail  our  interests.  An 
ocean-bound  republic,  with  the  whole  continent  under  one 
flag,  was  the  favorite  project  of  his  early  statesmanship, 
and  he  lived  just  long  enough  to  see  the  commencement 
of  an  attempt,  by  the  very  men  who  repudiated  his  policy, 
which,  if  successful,  will  see  the  Union  split  into  as  many 
governments  as  there  are  States,  and  each  of  them  a  prey 
to  the  avarice  or  intrigues  of  despotism  abroad. 

Time  will  not  permit,  nor  is  this  altogether  an  appro- 
priate occasion  to  dwell  upon  the  many  and  varied  national 
matters  in  which  Mr.  Douglas  took  an  active  part.  For 
twenty  years  he  was  a  leading  man  in  the  politics  of  the 
country.  During  that  time  he  has  borne  a  conspicuous 
part.  His  name  has  been  blended  with  the  legislative  his- 
tory of  his  country,  and  in  all  the  branches  of  its  progress. 
The  debates  of  Congress  are  an  imperishable  monument 
to  his  industry,  his  sagacity,  and  his  love  of  country.  The 
great  act  of  legislation  upon  which  his  opponents  have 
assailed  him  most  fiercely,  and  which,  even  after  death,  has 
been  quoted  as  "the  great  mistake,  not  to  say  crime"  of 
his  life,  was  the  one  in  which  he  took  the  most  pride,  and 
which  he  felt  to  be  the  wisest  and  the  best.  It  was  the 
Nebraska  Act.  A  defence  of  that  act  is  not  needed  here, 
but  as  it  served  for  years  as  a  battery  from  which  he  was 
assailed,  it  is  but  proper  that  in  a  few  sentences  it  be  stated 
why  he  proposed  it,  why  he  pressed  it,  and  why  it  failed. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  one  of  those  who  saw  that  the  agita- 
tion of  the  slavery  question  in  Congress  could  accomplish 
nothing,  save  to  widen  the  social  and  political  breach  that 
has  always  existed  between  the  slaveholding  and  non- 
slavehoiding  States.  Seven  years  experience  in  Congress 
confirmed  him  in  the  opinion  that  it  was  necessary  to- 
remove  that  question  from  the  halls  of  the  national  legis- 
lature. In  1850,  the  compromise  bills  of  that  year,  of 
which  he  wrote  every  word,  were  passed.  California  had 
been  acquired,  and  a  road  to  the  Pacific  was  indispensable. 
In  1854,  the  immense  tract  of  territory,  now  known  as 
Nebraska  and  Kansas,  was  closed,  by  law,  to  emigration 
and  to  travel.  Like  a  huge  block,  it  barred  the  natural 
pathway  to  the  Pacific.     The  South  was  pressing  a  railroad 


STEPHEN    A.    DOUflLAS.  205 

from  Memphis,  and  south-westerly  across  the  continent. 
]\Ir.  Douglas  wanted  a  fair  chance  to  have  that  railroad 
lead  from  the  north,  where  it  could  find  communication 
through  Chicago  to  the  Atlantic.  Our  railroads  had  al- 
ready reached  the  Mississippi,  and  others  were  projected, 
extending  to  the  Missouri.  Me  wanted  Nebraska  and 
Kansas  opened,  and  the  country  made  free  to  the  enter- 
prise of  the  north.  In  case  of  a  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
it  was  essential  to  have  the  Pacific  connected  by  some 
other  route  than  one  through  a  hostile  section.  That  was 
the  motive  for  organizing  these  territories — a  motive  hav- 
ing its  origin  in  the  desire  to  benefit  the  whole  nation,  and 
especially  to  give  to  the  northwest  a  fair  o])portunity  to 
compete  for  the  commerce  of  the  great  east. 

But  that  curse  of  all  things,  the  question  of  African 
slavery,  la}'  at  the  threshold.  He  could  not  open  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  without  waking  the  sleeping  Demon.  He 
therefore  determined  to  make  one  grand  struggle,  to  seize 
the  monster,  to  invite  both  North  and  South  to  unite  in 
chaining  it;  and,  having  it  in  chains,  to  remove  it  forever 
beyond  the  limits  of  national  legislation.  For  that  pur- 
pose he  framed  the  Nebraska  Act,  by  which  he  asked  the 
North  and  the  South  forever  to  bind  themselves  to  leave 
the  question  of  the  existence  or  non-existence  of  slavery 
to  the  exclusive  adjudication  and  determination  of  the 
people  of  the  respective  territories.  The  bill  passed,  and 
became  a  law.  Its  design  and  intent  plainly  stamped  upon 
its  face,  and  its  friends  all  committed  to  abide  its  results. 
He  had  accomplished  all  his  purposes,  so  far  as  they  could 
be  done  by  legislation.  The  rest  he  left  to  time  and  to 
the  intelligence  of  the  people;  and  throughout  the  ev^ent- 
ful  years  that  followed  he  was  not  an  indifterent  but  a 
confident  spectator,  waiting  for  results  which  every  day 
seemed  more  inevitably  certain.  For  two  years  he  fought 
rebellion  in  Kansas,  and  to  Pierce  he  offered  just  what  he 
offered  to  Lincoln — his  aid  in  suppressing  rebellion,  and 
resistance  to  the  laws  and  Constitution.  In  1856,  the  Cin- 
cinnati convention  met.  He  was  but  little  troubled  as  to 
who  should  be  the  nominee,  but  he  was  greatly  agitated 
lest  some  portion  of  the  South  would  not  ratify  and 
approve  the  great  act  of  1854.     But  that  convention,  with- 


'-V 


206  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

out  a  dissenting  voice,  did  ratify  that  act,  and  then  from 
the  very  bottom  of  his  heart  he  rejoiced.  Tlie  chain  which 
bound  fanaticism  forever  had  been  riveted,  and  the  terri- 
tories were  no  longer  to  be  divided  by  a  black  line,  but 
freedom  was  as  free  to  go  to  the  lowest  confines  of  the 
continent  as  it  was  to  tread  the  ocean-washed  shores  of 
Oregon.  Never,  except  by  something  approaching  a 
miracle,  would  there  be  another  slave-State  formed  by  the 
free  will  of  the  people,  and  no  State,  except  formed  by  the 
free  will  of  the  people,  could  ever  be  admitted  without  a 
violation  of  the  contract.  In  the  fullness  of  his  joy,  and 
in  the  tumult  of  his  gratitude,  he  sent  that  dispatch  which, 
while  it  withdrew  his  name,  unfortunately  made  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan President. 

Despite  the  civil  war  and  rebellion  which  had  reigned  in 
Kansas,  the  great  measure  worked  its  own  way  successfully 
toward  the  contemplated  result;  when  lo,  there  came  a 
blow  so  sudden  and  unexpected,  that  no  human  sagacity 
could  have  been  prepared  to  meet  it.  The  Lecompton 
fraud  was  taken  to  the  executive  bosom,  nursed  into  life; 
a  message  was  sent  to  Congress,  requesting  that,  after  the 
manner  of  royal  infants  in  other  lands,  this  only  child  of 
the  bachelor  President,  should  be  portioned,  pensioned,  and 
provided  for  at  the  national  charge.  Had  Mr.  Buchanan 
been  true  to  his  trust,  true  to  his  plighted  honor,  and  true 
to  the  solemn  oath  of  office,  the  issue  of  disunion  would 
have  been  tried  on  the  Lecompton  question,  and  rebellion 
would  have  been  compelled  to  take  up  arms  in  defence  of 
that  horrid  fraud — a  fraud  covered  with  blood,  and  reeking 
with  the  stenches  of  the  most  shocking  corruptions.  Had 
he  been  true,  Mr.  Douglas'  original  design  and  expecta- 
tions would  have  been  verified,  and  the  ultraists  of  the 
South,  and  not  of  the  North,  would  have  heaped  contumely 
upon  the  Nebraska  bill  and  its  author. 

As  the  corner-stone  of  this  University  was  laid  under  an 
malediction  upon  the  Nebraska  bill  and  its  living  author,  I 
have  thought  it  not  inappropriate,  that  in  burying  the 
illustrious  dead  beneath  its  monumental  towers,  a  record 
of  the  motive  should  be  placed  where  posterity  may  find 
that  and  the  malediction  together. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  an  independent  statesman.     Looking 


STEPIIKN    A.    DOUGLAS.  20/ 

at  all  questions  from  an  immovable  stand-point  of  princi- 
ple, he  could  neither  be  coaxed  nor  driven  into  an  approval 
of  what  lie  deemed  to  be  \vron<^.  To  you,  fellow-citizens, 
in  whose  memory  the  eventful  strug<^le  of  i857-'58  is  still 
fresh,  it  is  unnecessary  to  enter  into  a  detail  of  the  wicked 
and  desperate  efforts  to  destroy  him,  put  forth  by  the 
relentless  old  tyrant  that  fancied  he  was  President,  but 
who  was  a  mere  puppet  in  the  hands  of  that  junta  that 
since  then  have  openly  avowed  themselves  traitors,  even 
while  in  office,  to  the  government  of  which  they  were 
sworn  members.  His  offence  was  that  he  would  not 
truckle  to  the  South,  would  not  support  a  fraud,  would  not 
overturn  popular  liberty,  and  would  not  falsify  every  act 
and  speech  of  his  life.  Party  rule  and  party  lash  were 
threatened;  party  rule  and  party  lash  were  applied,  but 
strong  and  powerful  as  were  his  fealty  and  obligations 
to  his  party,  he  acknowledged  a  higher  fealty  to  the  peo- 
ple, and  a  stronger  obligation  to  his  own  conscience.  He 
spurned  executive  smiles  when  those  smiles  were  invita- 
tions to  crime,  and  with  giant  arm,  he  struck  to  the  dust 
the  slaves  who  sought  to  bind  him  with  chains  of  execu- 
tive despotism.  Standing  almost  alone  in  the  Senate 
House,  he  met  the  storm,  and  sustained  the  shock  un- 
moved, and  never  laid  down  his  arms  until  the  foul  mon- 
ster—  Lecompton  —  lay  dead  and  prostrate  beneath  his 
feet.  That  contest  afforded  a  fairer  exhibition  of  Mr. 
Douglas'  varied  talents  than  any  that  had  preceded  it. 
But  it  also  conveyed  to  the  heart  of  ever}-  honest  man,  the 
conviction  that  he  was  sincere.  No  man  had  ever  been 
subjected  to  such  an  ordeal.  Denounced  and  proscribed 
by  the  Democratic  administration;  excluded,  as  far  as  a 
mean  and  vengeful  cabinet  could  do  so,  politically  and 
socially;  surrounded  by  thousands  of  politicians,  from 
every  part  of  the  country,  beseeching  him  not  to  sacrifice 
his  part)',  by  dividing  it,  and  not  to  sacrifice  his  friends, 
by  having  them  thrust  from  office;  deserted  b)-  the  entire 
Democratic  press  outside  of  his  own  State,  and  abandoned 
by  all  those  public  men  upon  whose  support  he  had  reason 
to  rely;  with  a  watchful  enemy  in  front,  anxious  for  him 
to  trip,  or  overstep  the  line  of  principle,  that  they  might 
precipitate  his  ruin,  and  elect  one  of  their  own  men  in  his 


208  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

place;  with  his  house  watched  by  detectives,  to  report  who 
visited  him,  and  with  visitors  coming  under  the  guise  of 
confidence  and  friendship,  to  hold  conversations,  which 
they  purposed  revealing  to  his  injury;  stricken  even  in  the 
midst  of  these  fearful  circumstances,  by  a  painful  and 
disabling  illness,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  mental 
faculties  must  have  been  strong  indeed  to  have  passed 
through  that  protracted  contest  without  once  giving  way 
to  doubt  or  hesitancy.  And  when,  so  far  as  the  Senate 
was  concerned,  the  last  vote  was  to  be  taken,  how  that 
mind,  operating  sympathetically  upon  his  physical  nature, 
enabled  him  to  rise  from  a  bed,  where,  for  days,  he  had 
been  racked  with  pain,  and  in  that  chamber  deliver  a  speech 
which  has  never  been  surpassed. 

His  power  of  endurance,  both  physical  and  mental,  were 
truly  surprising,  commencing  as  long  ago  as  1838,  when 
he  traversed  in  his  campaign  with  Mr.  Stuart,  a  region  that 
now  has  nine  congressional  districts,  down  to  1840,  and 
annually  to  1852;  and  then  the  stormy  campaigns  of  1854, 
where  opposite  every  hustings  hung  his  own  effigies;  and 
again  in  1856,  when  he  traveled,  up  to  the  very  hour  of  the 
election,  pledging  himself  that  Buchanan  was  a  patriot  and 
a  man  of  truth.  Hardly  had  he  placed  that  individual  in 
power,  before  he  was  called  upon  to  vindicate  himself  from 
his  agency  in  the  fraud.  And  then  followed  the  campaign 
(I  use  the  term  by  which  these  affairs  are  popularly  known) 
of  1858,  with  its  excitements,  its  personalities,  and  you 
will  pardon  a  soldier  in  that  memorable  contest,  for  saying 
— its  brilliant  results.  That  election  Mr.  Douglas  never 
claimed  as  a  personal  victory;  he  did  not  regard  it  as  a 
defeat  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  but  he  claimed  it  as  a  triumph  of 
the  People,  in  a  direct  conflict  with  executive  tyranny. 
In  i860,  his  physical  and  mental  endurance  was  again 
fearfully  tested.  Commencing  on  the  Potomac,  I  may  say, 
he  spoke  day  and  night  along  the  Atlantic  coast,  until  he 
reached  the  shores  of  New  England;  his  voice  then 
sounded  on  his  own  native  hills  of  Vermont,  and  the  valley 
of  the  Connecticut  echoed  to  its  clarion  notes.  Passing 
westward  through  New  York,  he  reached  Lake  Erie,  and 
then  by  another  route  returned  to  the  sea-coast.  We  hear 
of  him  awaking  the  yeomanry  of  Pennsylvania,  and  then 


STEPIIEX    A.    DOUGLAS.  209 

he  is  electrifying^  the  Van  Winkles  of  Nortli  Carolina  and 
Virginia,  lie  then  turned  to  the  west,  and  throuij^h  Ohio, 
Indiana,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  Michigan,  and  his  own  loved 
Illinois,  he  spoke  to  the  gallant  hosts  that  everywhere 
greeted  him,  not  in  the  despairing  mood  of  one  who  knew 
that  all  was  lost,  but  in  the  language  of  a  patriot  and  bro- 
ther, finding  more  consolation  in  a  virtuous  defeat  than  a 
\'ictory  bought  with  personal  shame  and  national  ruin. 
His  words  may  be  said  to  have  been  these:  "We  have 
stood  thus  long  defending  the  altars  of  our  country;  if  we 
must  be  overcome  by  numbers,  lot  us  fall  side  by  side,  and 
be  buried  with  a  constitution  we  can  no  longer  successful!}- 
defend." 

He  was  an  Orator  such  as  America  has  never  known. 
His  oratory  was  not  exclusively  adapted  to  any  one,  or 
any  number  of  circumstances.  Wherever  he  was,  at  the 
festive  table,  at  the  college  exhibition,  at  a  public  recep- 
tion, at  a  meeting  of  savans,  at  the  village  school,  before 
the  court,  before  a  town  meeting,  in  the  Senate — every- 
where, under  all  circumstances,  he  was  equal  to  the  occa- 
sion, and  claimed  and  won  the  proud  title  of  an  Orator. 
His  oratory  was  peculiar  to  himself.  He  was  always 
natural.  He  never  attempted  the  pedantic;  he  never 
sought  to  dazzle  by  fanciful  imagery;  he  never  employed 
any  but  the  simplest  language.  The  consequence  was  that 
gifted  with  a  strong  mind,  a  complete  vocabulary  of  purest 
Saxon,  and  speaking  always  from  an  earnest  conviction,  he 
addressed  himself  to  the  minds  of  his  hearers,  and  rarely 
ever  failed  to  reach  their  hearts  and  enlist  their  sympathies. 

No  man  owed  more  to  his  powers  of  orator}'  than  Mr. 
Douglas,  and  no  man  every  accomplished  more  by  oratory 
than  he  did.  In  1834,  when  he  had  not  been  in  the  State 
six  months,  he  met,  in  debate,  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers 
and  distinguished  speakers  of  that  day.  He  was  a  beard- 
less youth,  unknown,  small  and  delicately  made.  His 
opponent  the  political  leader  of  his  country,  at  home  and 
among  friends  and  neighbors  who  took  pride  in  his  success. 
That  event  is  familiarly  known.  It  was  but  a  rc-cnact- 
ment  of  the  story  of  David  and  Goliath,  with  this  addition 
that  the  populace  in  their  enthusiasm  bestowed  upon  the 
victor  the  title  of  the  vanc^uished,  a  term  which  followed 
him  ever  after. 


2IO  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

But  it  was  in  the  Senate  that  this  great  power  was  shown 
in  all  its  force.  That  was  the  great  arena  of  his  glory. 
There  he  stood  without  a  successful  rival.  In  that  theatre 
he  bid  defiance  to  all  opponents,  and  in  that  theatre  he 
gained  his  most  unfading  laurels. 

It  was  my  good  fortune,  while  engaged  in  another  busi- 
ness than  that  I  now  follow,  to  have  been  a  witness  of,  and 
to  have  heard  all,  the  debates  in  the  Senate  on  the  com- 
promises of  1850,  and  on  the  celebrated  Kansas  and  Ne- 
braska Act.  And  what  debates  they  were!  As  I  recall 
them  at  this  time,  when  the  literature  and  conversation  of 
the  day  is  altogether  of  a  military  and  warlike  character, 
that  Senate  seems  to  me  as  one  general  battle-field,  in 
which  every  possible  engine  of  war  is  playing  its  noisy  and 
destructive  part.         *         *         *         -k- 

But  I  leave  the  public  servant,  and  ask  your  patience 
while  I  speak  of  the  man.  And  after  all,  there  can  be  no 
true  greatness  that  has  not  an  honorable  heart  to  support 
and  maintain  it.  His  integrity  was  unquestionable  and 
unquestioned.  Never,  even  in  the  fiercest  and  most  pitiless 
of  all  the  many  storms  that  broke  upon  him,  was  there 
ever  a  stain  or  an  imputation  upon  his  personal  honor. 
Clay,  with  all  his  greatness,  did  not  escape  the  calumny  of 
corruption;  Webster  had  enemies  mean  enough  to  charge 
him  with  bribery;  but  high  as  party  and  personal  malice 
may  reach  after  their  victim,  they  spared  the  personal 
honor  of  Douglas.  He  went  through  nearly  thirty  years 
of  public  life,  and  no  word  of  suspicion  against  his  integ- 
rity was  uttered.  Until  within  a  few  years  he  had  been 
poor;  for  twenty-five,  years  he  held  ofiice  continually,  and 
as  legislator,  judge,  and  senator,  he  had  remained  not  only 
pure,  but  unsuspected.  He  never  received  from  ofiice 
more  than  enough  to  yield  him  an  ordinary  support  for 
himself  and  family.  Some  years  ago  he  invested  a  few 
hundred  dollars  in  real  estate.  That  investment  grew  in 
wealth,  and  extended  until  it  became  magnificent.  His 
purchases  were  in  and  near  Chicago,  and  if  he  became 
rich,  it  was  because  Chicago  became  rich.  His  wealth 
increased  with  the  wealth  of  the  City,  and  as  that  receded 
so  did  the  value  of  his  possessions.  He  could  never  amass 
wealth  by  the  regular  rules  of  trade.     What  he  had  was 


68 


STEPHEN    A.    DOIGI.AS.  211 

held  by  him  only  as  trustee  for  the  multitude  who  called 
him  friend.  With  hand  ever  open,  with  purse-strings  never 
drawn,  he  dealt  out  with  liberal  hand  to  all  who  soucfht 
his  aid.  He  prized  riches  only  as  a  means  of  aiding;  others, 
and  he  gave  freely  and  cordiall}'  while  a  dollar  was  left. 
His  was  no  ostentatious  liberalit\'.  Instead  of  creditinc^  his 
own  sagacity  with  the  fortune  that  resulted  from  his  in- 
vestments, he  recognized  the  disbursement  of  that  fortune 
for  noble  purposes,  as  an  additional  obligation  imposed 
upon  him  by  Providence.  Hence  it  was  that  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Chicago  University,  when  proposed  to  him, 
met,  as  you  (President  Burroughs)  well  know,  a  prompt 
and  ready  response.  He  saw  in  it  a  means  by  which  he 
could  serve  the  State,  this  City,  and  his  fellows-men,  for  all 
time  to  come,  and  with  him  Action  ahvays  followed  con- 
viction. The  establishment  of  the  University  at  once 
became  an  object,  and  with  the  endowment  came  the  prac- 
tical and  the  only  condition,  that  the  building  should  at 
once  be  commenced.  He  did  not  fancy  that  spirit  which 
hoards  through  life  great  masses  of  wealth,  to  be  admin- 
istered for  good  purposes  after  the  owner  is  gone.  He 
preferred  to  do  good  at  once,  and  in  seeing  others  enjoy 
the  benefits  of  his  liberality,  found  infinitely  more  happi- 
ness than  if  it  had  been  retained  by  himself.  He  took  the 
utmost  pride  in  this  University,  and  those  who  have  sup- 
posed his  life  to  have  been  devoted  to  the  attainment  of 
the  Presidency,  should  know,  as  his  friends  do  know,  that 
personally,  he  found  as  much  pleasure  in  the  anticipation 
of  presiding  as  President  of  the  Regents  of  this  Univer- 
sity, and  in  the  active  business  of  all  public  enterprises,  as 
in  presiding  at  the  cabinet  councils  of  the  nation.  I  do 
not  say  that  he  did  not  aspire  to  the  Presidency  of  the 
Republic;  but  I  do  say,  and  say  it  from  personal  knowl- 
edge, that  were  it  not  for  the  sake  of  friends,  and  to  gratify 
their  devotion  of  unlimited  zeal,  his  political  ambition 
would  have  soucfht  no  hiijher  title  than  the  Leader  of  the 
American  Senate.  He  often  contrasted  the  two  positions 
of  President  and  Senator,  and  took  great  personal  pride  in 
the  fact  that  it  had  been  demonstrated  in  his  own  case, 
that  a  President,  through  backed  by  all  the  powers  of  the 
nation,  was  not  equal  to  a  contest  with  a  single  Senator 
who  did  his  duty  to  the  people. 


^\ 


212  EARLY   ILLINOIS. 

He  is  buried  within  sight  of  the  halls  of  this  University. 
At  evening  hour  its  shadows  reach  his  tomb,  covering  it 
witli  the  mellow  light  so  appropriate  to  its  solemn  silence. 
As  the  pilgrim  to  his  tomb  shall  stand  at  its  side,  musing 
on  the  memory  of  the  dead,  he  will  turn  involuntarily  to 
the  west,  and  gazing  upon  the  noble  edifice,  will  exclaim 
— there  stands  the  monument  to  the  Man  which  shall  live 
forever;  and  which  each  year  shall  send  forth  to  the 
country  its  graduates,  all  bearing  upon  their  hearts  the 
lesson  of  Douglas'  great  example. 

Yet,  this  man  with  the  free  and  bountiful  hand,  whose 
whole  life  was  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  people,  and 
upon  whose  private  purse  there  was  a  never-ending  de- 
mand, died  poor.  From  the  magnificent  domain,  which  a 
few  years  ago  he  called  his  own,  his  family  is  debarred  by 
the  legal  claims  of  others.  In  the  broad  State  of  Illinois, 
enriched  by  his  labors,  developed  by  his  genius,  and  peo- 
pled through  his  enterprise,  there  was  not  ground  enough 
that  his  children  could  call  their  own,  in  which  to  deposit 
his  coflin. 

The  faithful  widow,  faithful  even  to  the  memory  of  the 
love  which  her  husband  bore  to  Illinois,  at  the  solicitation 
of  the  people,  gave  up  all  that  was  left  of  him,  and  gave 
too  her  own  little  tract  of  land  for  his  grave. 

Let  us  hope  that  his  life,  devoted  to  the  benefit  of  his 
race,  may  not  have  been  spent  in  vain.  His  great  heart 
throbbed  and  pulsated  only  for  the  public  good,  and  let  us 
hope  that  his  countrymen  now  and  hereafter  may  find  in 
his  patriotism,  integrity,  and  life  an  example  worthy  of 
imitation. 

He  has  gone  from  among  us,  but  he  lives  in  his  fame. 
No  more  will  this  City  resound  with  the  fierce  clamor  of 
popular  rage,  or  be  filled  with  the  pageantry  of  his  tri- 
umphal processions.  No  more  will  his  voice  be  heard  on 
the  stump,  in  the  forum,  or  in  the  Senate,  but  the  student 
of  history,  during  all  coming  time,  will  search  in  vain  for 
the  record  of  brighter  deeds,  of  a  purer  life,  of  a  nobler 
heart,  of  an  equal  eloquence,  or  for  evidences  of  those 
indomitable  attributes  of  intellect  and  manhood,  that  be- 
long to,  and  must  forev^er  attach  to  the  name  of  Douglas! 


69 


From  the  Chica<jo  Trihmie. 

THE   DOUGLAS   MONUMENT. 


The  monument  erected  by  the  State  of  Illinois  over  the 
remains  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  at  Douglas  place,  was 
completed  Thursday,  August  i8,  1881,  when  the  fourth  and 
last  entablature  was  put  in  position  on,  the  south  side  of 
the  base.  The  erection  of  this  memorial  has  been  the  work 
of  twenty  years,  the  first  meeting  in  the  interest  of  it  hav- 
ing been  held  in  the  parlors  of  the  Tremont  House,  Oct. 
22,  1 86 1.  The  call  for  this  meeting  was  signed  by  the  fol- 
lowing-named gentlemen:  J.  \V.  Sheahan,  S.  W.  Fuller,  S. 
H.  Kerfoot,  \V.  C.  Goud\',  Thomas  Drummond,  David  A. 
Gage,  J.  P.  Clarkson,  and  Leonard  \V.  V^olk.  A  monument 
association  was  organized,  committees  were  appointed,  and 
the  work  of  erecting  an  enduring  monument  over  the  grave 
of  the  deceased  Senator  was  proceeded  with. 

The  ground  upon  which  the  monument  is  erected  was 
intended  as  the  site  of  the  Douglas  homestead,  and  was 
purchased  by  the  State  from  the  widow  for  the  sum  of 
$25,000.  It  is  now  neatly  laid  out  with  walks  and  flower 
beds,  and  is  surrounded  by  stone  copings  and  hedges. 
The  corner-stone  of  the  monument  was  laid  Sept.  6,  1866, 
with  appropriate  ceremon)',  and  many  prominent  public 
men  participated,  including  Pres.  Johnson  and  his  Cabi- 
net. In  1877,  the  late  Joseph  E.  Smith,  of  this  cit}',  who 
was  a  member  of  the  Legislature  at  the  time,  introduced  a 
bill  appropriating  $50,000  for  the  completion  of  the  monu- 
ment, and  finally  succeeded  in  getting  it  through.  Two 
years  later,  after  he  had  retired  from  the  Legislature,  it 
was  found  that  $9000  more  was  needed  to  complete  the 
monument,  and  Mr.  Smith  went  to  Springfield  of  his  own 
accord  and  secured  another  appropriation,  making  an  elo- 
quent speech  in  favor  of  the  measure. 

The  monument,  as  completed,  together  with  the  grounds, 
cost  about  $97,000.  The  State  Commission  for  the  com- 
pletion of  the  monument  have  had  a  great  deal  of  gratui- 
tous work  to  do,  as  their  predecessors  of  the  original  Asso- 
ciation, especially  the  gentlemen  of  the  Executive  Commit- 
tee,— Judge  J.   D.  Caton,  Potter   Palmer,   L\-man  Trum- 


50  STEPHEN    A.   DOUGLAS. 

bull,  Robert  T.  Lincoln,  and  Melville  W.  Fuller.  Judge 
Caton  is  Chairman  and  Melville  W.  Fuller  is  Secretary,  and 
the  burden  of  the  work  attaching  to  the  completion  of  the 
monument  has  fallen  upon  the  latter  gentlemen.  They  all 
worked  without  remuneration,  and  deserve  credit  for  get- 
ting the  work  done  so  cheaply  and  so  well. 

Following  is  a  description  of  the  monument  as  com- 
pleted : 

The  octagonal  base  coping,  of  Lemont,  111.,  limestone,  is 
70  feet  in  diameter.  The  first  of  the  three  circular  bases 
of  the  substructure  is  42  feet  2  inches  in  diameter,  and  the 
height  of  the  three  together  is  4  feet  3  inches.  The  tomb 
is  octagonally  formed,  20  feet  3  inches  in  diameter,  and  10 
feet  high,  to  the  plinth-base  of  superstructure.  Its  chamber 
is  8  feet  9  inches  square  by  7  feet  2  inches  high.  The 
pedestal  at  each  of  the  four  corners  of  the  tomb  is  6  feet 
high,  with  base  4  feet  2  inches  square.  The  octagonalh^- 
formed  pedestal  of  the  superstructure  abov^e  the  tomb  is  18 
feet  10  inches  high,  to  the  circular  base  of  the  column.  Its 
plinth-base  is  15  feet  in  diameter.  The  length  of  the  col- 
umn, including  its  base,  which  is  2  feet  thick,  is  46  feet  $ 
inches,  and  is  5  feet  2  inches  in  diameter  at  the  base,  with 
a  diameter  of  3  feet  6  inches  at  the  top.  The  cap,  includ- 
ing the  ornamental  frieze,  is  4  feet  6  inches  high,  and  the 
statue-base  above  is  2  feet  high,  making  the  entire  height 
of  the  monument,  including  the  statue,  95  feet  9  inches. 
The  ornamentation  cut  in  the  granite  consists  of  a  wreath 
and  the  letter  "D"  on  the  lintel  of  the  tomb-door.  There 
are  raised  shields  on  the  corners  of  the  main  base  of  the 
superstructure,  the  pedestal  of  which  is  ornamented  with 
festoons  and  wreaths  of  laurel,  and  flambeaux  on  the  octa- 
gonal corners,  all  in  high  bas-relief. 

The  two  main  sections  of  the  column  are  marked  by 
belts  of  raised  stars,  indicating  the  number  of  States;  and 
the  frieze  of  the  cap  is  encircled  with  oak  leaves  in  high 
relief.  Within  the  tomb-chamber  repose  the  remains  of 
Senator  Douglas  in  an  iron  casket,  which  is  placed  in  a 
white  marble  sarcophagus,  lined  with  lead.  Surmounting 
its  top  is  a  life-size  bust  of  Douglas  in  marble,  made  by 
Volk  in  1857. 

The  following  inscription  is  lettered  on  the  front  side: 


STEPHEN    A.    DOUGLAS.  5  I 

"STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS, 

"Born  April  23,  1813;  died  June  3,  1861. 

"Tell  my  children  to  obey  the  laws  and  uphold  the  Constitution." 

The  marble  of  the  sarcophagus  is  from  his  native  State 
and  count}' — Rutland,  Vt.  The  tomb  has  a  heav}-,  wrought- 
iron,  grated  door,  with  padlock,  and  an  inner  iron  safe  door 
with  combination  lock.  The  entire  superstructure  of  the 
monument  is  made  of  solid  blocks  of  granite  except  the 
die  of  the  pedestal,  which  is  in  four  parts,  and  has  a  small 
hollow  space  within  containing  the  copper  box  of  records, 
coins,  etc.,  which  was  deposited  in  the  corner-stone  of  the 
original  limestone  tomb.  The  faces  of  the  raised  shields, 
stars,  and  panels  are  polished  or  glossed. 

The  last  of  the  statues  of  the  monument,  representing 
Eloquence,  was  safely  placed  May  13,  1880.  All  these 
statues,  including  the  Douglas,  were  first  modeled  in  clay 
by  Leonard  \V.  Volk,  in  Chicago,  and  approved  by  the' 
Commissioners;  then  cast  in  plaster  of  paris,  and  in  that 
material  forwarded  to  the  bronze  foundry  of  M.  J.  Power, 
New  York,  who  has  cast  them  in  the  best  bronze  metal, — 
I.  c,  ninety  parts  copper,  eight  parts  tin,  and  two  parts  zinc. 

The  statue  of  Douglas,  which  is  9  feet  9  inches  higli, 
weighs  about  2200  pounds.  The  four  symbolical  statues, 
if  standing  in  upright  posture,  would  be  about  7  feet  6 
inches  high,  and  the  average  weight  of  each  is  about  11 50 
pounds. 

The  colossal  statue  of  Douglas  surmounting  the  top  o{ 
the  column,  looking  eastward  over  the  lake,  represents  him 
standing  in  repose,  with  scroll  in  left  hand  pressed  against 
the  hip,  and  the  right  hand  thrust  under  the  lapel  of  his 
tightly-buttoned  undercoat. 

The  four  pedestals  at  the  base  are  occupied  by  heroic- 
sized  statues  representing  Illinois,  History,  Justice,  and 
Eloquence,  in  sitting  attitudes ;  the  former  has  her  right 
hand  placed  on  the  State  coat-of-arms,  with  ears  of  corn  in 
her  left  hand,  and  crowned  with  a  chaplet  of  wheat,  and  is 
supposed  to  be  in  the  act  of  relating  the  story  of  the  State 
to  History,  on  the  opposite  corner,  who,  with  stylus  in 
hand,  is  about  to  record  it  upon  the  scroll  lying  across  her 
lap;  her  left  foot  rests  upon  a  pile  of  tablets. 


52  STEPHEN   A.   DOUGLAS. 

Justice  rests  her  right  hand  upon  a  sheathed  sword,  and 
holds  the  balances  in  her  left.  Eloquence  points  with  her 
right  hand  toward  the  statue  of  Douglas,  while  the  left  rests 
upon  a  lyrical  instrument. 

All  these  statues  are  differently  composed  and  robed  in 
harmonious  and  classical  garments. 

The  four  bas-reliefs  in  the  panels  of  the  main  base  of 
superstructure  represent  the  advance  of  civilization  in 
America,  first  by  an  aboriginal  Indian  scene,  on  the  east 
side,  in  which  appears  the  sun  rising  above  the  horizon  of 
a  lake,  upon  which  two  Indians  are  about  to  embark  in  a 
canoe;  wigwams,  with  sqaws  and  papoose,  and  an  elder 
and  two  younger  Indians,  and  a  dog,  the  elder  in  the  act 
of  shooting  a  deer  with  bow  and  arrow. 

The  second,  on  the  north  side,  represents  pioneer  settlers 
building  log- cabin,  plowing,  sowing  grain,  and  a  group  of 
mother,  children,  and  dog  resting  before  the  unfinished 
cabin  and  the  "prairie  schooner"  wagon. 

In  the  third  scene,  on  the  west  side,  Commerce  and  En- 
terprise are  represented  by  trackmen  working  on  the  rail- 
road, a  locomotive,  vessels  discharging  and  receiving  mer- 
chandise, an  elevator  warehouse  and  telegraph  line. 

The  fourth  and  last  of  the  scenes,  which  was  put  in  place 
yesterday,  represents  Legislation,  by  a  group  of  statesmen, 
contemporaries  of  Douglas,  in  the  interior  of  a  public  hall 
of  Doric  architecture.  John  C.  Calhoun  occupies  the  chair 
and  Henry  Clay  is  addressing  the  house.  Grouped  about 
listening  to  him  are  Daniel  Webster,  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
John  Ouincy  Adams,  Abraham  Lincoln,  Thomas  H.  Ben- 
ton, William  H.  Seward,  Gov.  Cullom.,  and  others  to  make 
up  the  group,  among  them  the  late  Joseph  E.  Smith.  Mr. 
Volk  said  he  had  not  noticed  until  just  before  this  relief 
was  put  in  place  that  of  the  nine  central  figures  three  had 
been  Whigs,  three  Republicans,  and  three  Democrats. 

The  ground  upon  which  the  monument  stands  is  bounded 
on  the  north  by  Woodland  Park,  with  a  frontage  of  260 
feet;  on  the  east  by  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  and  Lake 
Michigan,  with  a  frontage  of  300  feet;  on  the  south  by 
Douglas  avenue  or  Thirty-fifth  street,  with  a  frontage  of 
412  feet;  and  on  the  west  by  an  alley,  and  the  width  of  the 
ot  along  the  alley  is  266  feet. 


70 


^  1882.  ' 


Abraham  Lincoln  Post 


NO.  13,  G^.  A.  R., 


DEPARTMENT   OF   NEW  YORK. 


CEREMONIES  IN   UNION   SQUARE  AND   AT 

THE    CEMETERIES. 


NKW   YORK  : 
John  Poi.hp:mus,  Mf'g  Stationer  and  Printer,   102  Nassau  Street. 

1882. 


71 


THE  CEREMONIES  AT  THE  LINCOLN   STATUE. 


From  tlie  foot  of  Lincoln'fs  .statue  in  Union  Square,  tlie  solemn 
ceremonies  ot"  Decoration  Hav,  May  30tli,  1882,  were  ushered  in 
by  Abraham  Lincoln  Post  No.  18,  in  flie  presence  oi'  thousands 
of  citizens,  and  ol'  an  unusual  number  of  distinguished  guests. 
The  heavens,  resoiumt  as  it  were  with  the  patriotic  sentiments 
that  pervaded  all  the  people,  snuled  benignantly  upon  the  pic- 
turesque scene  that  was  witnessed  around  the  martyr  President's 
statue  in  the  early  morning  hour,  and  all  around  the  great 
square,  which  has  been  made  sacred  by  the  events  of  the  great 
civil  war.  Encomiums  were  heard  upon  the  enthusiasm  with 
which,  even  at  daybreak,  several  comrades  assisted  Mr.  Gr.  W. 
Wilson,  the  llorist,  in  perfecting  his  artistic  decoration  of  the 
statue.  It  was  evident,  even  then,  that  Decoration  Day  of 
1882  would  surj)ass  in  grandtin'  and  solemnity  any  previous  ob- 
servance of  the  day.  The  heart  of  New  York,  always  loyal, 
never  lukewarm,  always  ])roud  of  the  deeds  of  its  sons,  beat  in 
unison  with  the  siirvivors  of  (hose  comrades  who  fell  on  the 
**P^ield  of  Honor"  that  the  Republic  might  live.  No  greater  sig- 
nificance was  ever  attached  to  these  pa  tiiotic  celebrations  than  by 
the  reverence  shown  in  that  early  moiiiing  hour  by  the  masses  of 
( itizens  to  the  statue  of  the  Martyr,  the  Emancipator,  the  Man 
of  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  who  saved  the  Union  of  these 
States,  for  their  good,  theij-  welfare  and  their  ha})])iness. 


FORMATION. 

Abraham  Lincoln  Post  No.  13  formed  at  their  headquarters, 
No.  8  Union  Square,  at  7  A.  M.,  and  marched  to  the  Statue  of 
Lincohi  in  the  following  order : 

Lincoln  Post  G.  A.  R.  Band. 

LINCOLN    POST    BATTALION. 

Joseph  Forbes,  Commanding. 
John  A.  Ruefner,  Adjutant. 

Aids: 

Schuyler  Hamilton. 
Thomas  Elliott. 
Lehman  Israels. 
Thomas  H.  Knight. 
John  M.  Schmidt. 


Alfred  Wagstaff. 
C.  A.  Wells. 
A.  A.  Scheidler. 
William  Schimper. 
E.  S.  Vanderpoel. 


John  H.  Tyson. 

Abraham  Lincoln  Post,  No.  13. 

Chas.  F.  Spaulding  (First  Commander  of  the  Post,  who  lost 
his  left  arm  at  the  battle  of  Fredericksburgh,  Ya.),  acting  as 
Marshal. 

Three  battle  flags.  Every  comrade  fully  uniformed  and  wear- 
ing the  badge  of  the  Army  Corps  in  which  he  served.  The  Post 
was  followed  by  carriages  containing  its  disabled  comrades. 

On  arriving  at  the  platform  the  Post  and  its  ofiicers  were 
cheered  by  the  crowds  surrounding  the  platform,  and  it  was  with 
difficulty  that  the  guard  could  make  an  open  space  for  the  align- 
ment of  the  Post  on  the  north  side  of  the  statue.  Commander 
Forbes  then  mounted  the  platform  and  cordially  welcomed  the 
distinguished  gentlemen  who,  by  their  presence,  added  still  more 
enthusiasm  to  the  occasion. 


72 


Guests. 

Among"  these  were  ex-President  U.  S.  Grant,  Col.  Fred. 
Grant,  Gen.  John  Cochrane,  Rev.  Dr.  J.  P.  Newman,  Hon. 
John  D.  Lawson,  Hon.  Cornelius  Van  Cott,  Hon.  A.  J.  Camp- 
bell, Gen.  Geo.  W.  Palmer,  Hon.  Robert  L.  Darragh,  Hon. 
Thos.  E.  Stewart,  Hon.  Bankson  T.  Morgan,  ^Villiam  Van 
Tassel,  Esq.,  Hugh  O'Neill,  Esq.,  Fred.  Althof,  Esq., 
Colonel  James  Mix  and  Captain  Augustus  Fuller,  of  the 
Old  Guard;  Robert  Curran,  Esq.,  Robert  L.  Fabian,  Esq., 
Leon  Harviei',  Esq.,  John  Laird,  Esq.,  W.  Livingston 
Forbes,  Esq.,  Royal  Prescott,  M.  D.,  Oiestes  Forbes,  Esq., 
Gen.  Yon  Schaek,  Thomas  P.  Clench,  Esq.,  Hon.  Jacob 
Hess,  Dr.  D.  T.  Fuller,  Col.  Addison  Ware,  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  Henry  A.  Meette,  Esq.,  Martin  Kelly, 
Esq.,  John  Ruft'ner,  William  Knowland,  Albert  Lewis, 
Esq.,  William  \V.  Philbrick,  71st  N.  G.  Veterans,  John 
Tyson,  Esq.,  whose  two  sons  (comrades  of  the  Post)  fought 
under  Gen.  Grant  at  Fort  Donelsen. 

THE  SERVICES. 

Commander  Forbes  called  the  large  assemblage  to  order, 
and  introduced  General  John  Cochrane  as  cliairman  of  the 
decoration  ceremonies.  The  General  addressed  the  vast 
audience  in  the  following  terms: 

GENERAL   COCHRANE's    REMARKS. 

Comrades  :  Another  year's  march  brings  us  to  our  annual  halt 
beneath  the  shadow  of  the  martyred  Lincoln.  In  the  fruition  of  the 
hopes  begotten  of  his  earthly  }Hlgrimage,  again  we  invoke  the  nur- 
ture of  his  large  and  loving  heart.  At  the  morning's  rendezvous, 
in  the  ployed  column,  on  the  serried  march — in  all  the  circuit  of 
the  day,  his  mighty  shade  presides  beneficent,  lie  is  not  alone. 
Another  is  with  him,  grave  and  majestic  in  the  joint  sanctitude  of 
assassination.     It  is  the  martyred  Garfield.     Ala^  !  that  so  bright  an 


6 

exhalation  should  have  hastened  to  so  sad  a  setting  ;  that  the  glori- 
ous morning's  reveille  should  have  been  followed  so  soon  by  night's 
solemn  tattoo.  Our  heart  throbs  were  the  drum-beat  that  con- 
voyed him  to  his  grave,  and  nations,  habited  in  mourning,  bowed 
at  his  tomb.  The  Soldier,  Statesman  and  Christian  Gentleman,  has 
passed  to  his  apotheosis  in  the  skies.  Wherever  in  all  the  earth  a 
fane  shall  rise  consecrated  to  Freedom,  the  mute  marble  and  the 
plaintive  peal  shall  plead  to  remembrance  for  her  martyrs,  and 
transmit  them  to  latest  times.  But  yesterday  the  chiefs  of  a  Re- 
public, from  whose  presence  Kings  retired  and  kingdoms  shrank 
away,  and  now  the  mournful  emblems  of  an  eventful  past  the 
hallowed  harbingers  of  a  pregnant  future. 

Twin  victims  of  faction,  and  joint  heirs  of  fame — Lincoln  and 
Garfield — hail  and  farewell  ! 

After  a  dime  bv  the  G.  A.  R.  band,  the  Rev.  Dr.  J.  P. 
Newman  spoke  as  follows  : 

REV.    DR.    J.    p.    NEWMAX    ON    ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

Call  the  roll  of  honor,  recount  the  benefactors  of  man- 
kind, enumerate  the  illustrious  statesmen  of  the  mighty 
past,  and  there  is  no  name  more  deserving  of  immortal  re- 
nown, and  more  certain  of  imperishable  fame,  than  the 
name  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

His  place  in  history  is  assured  ;  generations  may  pass 
away ;  empires  may  rise  and  fall ;  governments  ma}^  change 
in  form  and  substance  ;  but  so  long  as  men  shall  revere 
purity,  honor  integrity,  admire  greatness,  so  long  will  they 
recall  with  admiration  and  delight  the  name  of  Lincoln. 

Some  men  are  brilliant  in  their  times,  but  their  names 
fade  from  the  memory  of  the  world  because  their  words 
and  deeds  are  worthless  to  history ;  other  men,  less  honored 
by  tiieir  contemporaries,  grow  upon  the  attention  and  affec- 
tion of  posterity  because  of  the  enduring  part  they  took  in 
the  Avorld's  advancement  to  a  better  future. 


73 


Measured  by  this  standard,  Lincoln  sliall  live  in  ineniory 
from  age  to  age. 

It  is  a  law  of  om-  nature  to  segregate  some  chief  benefac- 
tor and  crown  him  with  honor.  We  do  not  love  and  admire 
men  in  groups.  We  speak  with  pride  of  Guttenberg  and 
his  coadjutors ;  of  Wnshingtcm  and  his  generals  ;  of  Lin- 
coln and  his  cahinet;  but  when  the  day  of  coronation 
comes,  we  crown  th(^  inventor  of  ])rinting;  the  fatiier  of  his 
country;  and  the  saviour  of  our  Republic.  Lincohi  had 
grand  associates — Seward,  th(^  sagacious  diplomatist; 
Chase,  the  eminent  tinancier ;  Stanton,  the  incomj)ar- 
able  war  secretary — but  they  were  great  as  subordi- 
nate actors  in  the  mightiest  of  national  dramas  of  which 
Lincoln  was  the  ])i-e-eminent  character  and  masterful 
spirit.  Neither  could  take  his  ])art,  noi*  till  his  position. 
More  than  either  of  them,  he  is  memorable  for  the  unique- 
ness of  his  character  and  the  majesty  of  his  individuality. 
Like  Milton's  angel,  he  was  an  original  conception.  He 
was  made  for  his  times.  He  was  a  leader  of  leaders.  By 
instinct  the  common  heart  trusted  in  him.  He  was  of  the 
people  and  for  the  people.  He  had  been  ])0()r,  and  humble 
and  laborious,  but  gnnitness  did  not  change  the  tone  of  his 
spii'it  or  the  syniparhi(^s  of  his  nature.  His  character  was 
strangely  s\'mnietrical.  He  was  temperate  without  aus- 
terity, cautious  without  fear,  brave  without  rashness,  and 
constant  without  ol)stinancy.  His  marvelous  hopefulness 
never  betrayed  him  into  impracticable  measures.  His  love 
of  justice  was  only  equaled  by  his  delight  in  compassion. 
His  regard  for  pei-sonal  honor  w;is  only  exceled  by  love  of 
counti-y.  His  self-abneicarion  found  its  liiichest  exi)ression 
in  the  public  good.  His  integrity  was  never  questioned, 
his  honesty  was  above  suspicion,  and  iiis  private  life  and 
public  deeds  were  alike  reputable  to  himself  and  honorable 
to  his  country. 


8 

His  enemies  said  that  he  was  not  brilliant ;  that  there 
were  no  salient  points  in  his  character  ;  that  there  was 
nothing  in  him  that  dazzled.  But  his  immeasurable  use 
fulness  to  his  country  is  the  best  answer.  Of  all  the 
stellar  hosts  not  one  is  more  important  to  mankind  than  the 
North  Star,  yet  it  is  not  so  brilliant  as  many  of  his  fellows. 
The  ocean,  in  grandeur  and  utility  is  not  so  captivating  as 
the  summer  cloud  decked  with  the  celestial  bow,  but  it  is 
the  highway  of  international  commerce.  The  lightning, 
whether  in  sheets  of  light  or  bars  of  fire,  may  dazzle  the  be- 
holder, but  it  is  not  com23arable  to  the  daily  sun,  spreading 
warmth,  plenty  and  beauty  over  the  habitations  of  man. 
Lincoln  was  the  Republic's  polar  star  in  the  darkest  night, 
the  ocean  of  its  wealth  and  the  sun  of  its  glory. 

God  raised  him  ujd  to  be  a  representative  man,  more  solid 
than  brilliant,  whose  judgment  dominated  the  imagination 
whose  ambition  was  subject  to  modesty,  and  whose  love  of 
justice  held  the  mastery  over  all  personal  considerations. 
Not  excepting  Washington,  who  inherited  wealth  and  high 
social  position,  Lincoln  is  the  fullest  representative  Ame- 
rican in  our  national  annals.  He  had  trodden  every  round 
in  the  human  ladder.  He  illustrated  the  possibilities  of  our 
citizenship.  We  are  not  ashamed  of  his  humble  origin  ;  we 
are  proud  of  his  greatness  and  glory.  In  nothing  more  is 
the  sagacity  and  might  of  his  statesmanship  apparent  than 
in  his  determination  to  save  the  union  of  these  States. 
Herein  the  clearness,  the  calmness,  the  firmness  of  his  in- 
tellect was  most  conspicuous.  This  was  the  objective  point 
of  his  administration.  He  would  listen  to  no  coui promise  ; 
he  would  surrender  neither  jot  or  tittle  ;  he  would  have 
the  Union  or  nothing.  He  denied  the  right  of  the  South  to 
revolutionize,  as  our  forefathers  had  exhausted  that  right, 
inasmuch  as  they  had  provided  in  the  Constitution  for  the 
possession  and  enjoyment  of  all  natural  rights,  and  made 


74 

9 

pi'ovisioii  for  the  airiciHlnient  of  that  Constimrion  ))y  the 
will  of  the  people,  as  the  growth  of  the  couiitiy  might  de- 
mand. He  denied  State  sovereignty  as  paramount  to  na- 
tional sovereignty.  States  have  their  rights  and  their  obli- 
gations, and  their  chief  oMigation  is  to  remain  in  the  Union. 
Some  political  philos()])hers  advocated  tlu'  right  of  the  i>eo- 
ple  to  change  our  form  of  government,  but  Lincoln  de- 
nounced that  as  x)olitical  heresy  ;  at  all  events,  if  changed 
at  all,  it  must  be  done  in  times  of  peace  and  not  by  armed 
rebellion.  There  were  political  philanthropists  who  clamoied. 
for  the  overthrow  of  slavery,  and  advocated  the  dissolution 
of  the  Union  rather  than  live  in  a  country  under  whose 
governnK^nt  slavery  was  tolerated. 

But  Lincoln  was  a  wiser  and  better  i)hihintr()phist  than 
they.  He  would  have  the  Union  with  slavery  or  without 
slavery.  He  preferred  it  without,  and  his  ])r^lVrence  pre- 
vailed. How  incomi)arably  worse  would  have  been  the 
condition  of  the  slave  in  the  Confederacy  with  a  living 
slave  for  its  chief  corner-stone,  than  in  the  Uiii<jn. 

Time  has  justified  the  wisdom  of  his  statesmanshiji. 
Seventeen  years  are  gone  since  our  great  martyr  was  slain. 
The  providential  permission  of  his  death  issiill  a  m^'stery. 
Clergymen  and  statesmen  joined  in  ex))ressi()n.5  of  belief 
that  it  would  prove  a  national  blessing;  that  the  kindliness 
of  Lincoln's  nature  would  incline  him  to  oifer  such  condi- 
tions to  the  South  as  would  virtually  leave  the  rebels  mas- 
ters of  the  situation.  With  this  reflection  all  bowed  in 
luunble  submission  to  the  will  of  the  Almighty  God,  and 
looked  to  Andv  Johnson  as  the  President  who  wtmld 
make  treason  odious.  The  only  thing  that  Johnson  made 
odious  was  liimseU'.  He  became  the  patron  saint  of  traitors, 
and  the  rewarder  of  treason.  He  did  whar  Lincoln  never 
would  have  done,  and  to-da}'',  the  South  reveres  Lincoln 
and   despisHs  Johnson.       From    oui-   standjioint    Lincoln's 


10 

death  seems  to  have  a  compeasation — it  gav^e  the  South  the 
opportunity  under  Johnson's  administration,  to  disclose 
its  purpose  to  gain  by  the  ballot  what  it  had  lost  by  the 
bayonet.  But  the  eternal  vigilance  of  Congress,  bai)tized 
by  the  spirit  of  the  great  martyr,  defeated  a  purpose  no  less 
treasonable  than  the  armed  rebellion  against  the  Federal 
government. 

Aside  from  this  seeming  compensation,  Lincoln's  death  is 
an  untold  mystery,  whose  secret  is  lodged  in  the  mind  of 
the  Intinite.  But  time  has  vindicated  the  sagacity  of  his 
statesmanship,  that  to  preserve  the  Union  was  to^ave  this 
great  nation  for  human  liberty,  was  to  ultimately  crush  out 
the  spirit  of  secession  and  unify  North  and  South,  and  was 
to  advance  the  emancipated  slave  to  education,  to  thrift  and 
political  equality.  All  this  is  an  accomplished  fact.  To-day 
the  American  Republic  is  the ,  inspiration  to  men  every- 
where who  are  struggling  for  their  political  rights  and  liber- 
ty, and  silently  and  surely  its  successful  example  is  modify- 
ing the  governments  .of  the  world,  in  behalf  of  personal 
liberty.  The  spirit  of  loyal  devotion  to  the  Union  and  Federal 
government  is  gaining  the  mastery  in  the  South,  so  that  the 
time  is  at  hand  when  the  term  "  South  "  will  have  no  polit- 
ical significance,  but  like  the  "East"  and  the  "  West,"  will 
be  descriptive  of  a  geographical  section  of  our  national  do- 
main. And  under  Mr.  Lincoln's  wise  policy,  all  the  fond- 
est dreams  of  the  abolitionists  are  realized  by  the  indus- 
trial, educational  and  political  condition  of  those  made  for- 
ever free  by  his  Proclamation  of  Emancipation. 

It  is  therefore  eminently  fitting  that  once  a  year  we  gath- 
ered around  this  monument  and  recall  what  Lincoln  did  for 
his  country,  and  through  that  country  for  mankind  ;  to  ob- 
serve, with  vigilance  and  care,  whether  the  principles  for 
which  he  died  are  respected  by  our  people  and  enforced  by 
our  public  men,  and  to  rekindle  the  fires  of  patriotism  upon 


75 

11 

the  altai-  of  our  hearts,  and  see  to  if  that  "this  nation, 
under  God,  shall  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  the 
government  of  the  peo])le,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  jieople, 
shall  not  perish  from  the  earth." 

Both  Gen.  Cochrane' s  and  Dr.  Newman's  remarks  were 
repeatedly  interrui)ted  by  applause  from  the  vast  mul- 
titude. 

Ex-PiiEsiDKNT  Grant. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  hitter's  address  there  were  loud 
cries  of  "Grant !"  "Grant !"  The  ex-President,  and  kite 
command(^r  of  the  armies  in  the  field,  arose  and  said  :  "I 
thank  you  for  your  cordial  reception  on  this  interesting 
occasion,  and  I  would  gladly  speak  in  honor  of  our  mem- 
orable comrades  had  you  not  already  heard  enough,  and 
were  the  noise  in  the  street  less,  so  that  you  could  hear  me." 

The  Orphans. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  ceremonies  a  procession  of  two 
hundred  children  from  the  Protestant  Half  Or[)lian  Asylum, 
in  West  Tenth  street,  headed  by  their  Superintendent  and 
accompanied  by  their  teachers  ranged  themselves  around 
the  platform,  and  w^ere  cordially  received  by  the  comrades 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  Post,  and  by  the  ex-President  and  the 
other  guests.  They  subsequently  sang  witli  considt^'able 
fervor  "  Nearer  My  God  To  Thee  !  "  The  Superintendent 
then  presented  the  Post  with  two  beautiful  wreaths  of 
flowers,  which  were  placed  upon  the  Lincoln  statue. 

A   TRIBUTE  BY   THE   OLD   GUARD. 

While  the  Old  Guard,  under  command  of  Major  Geo.  W. 
McLean,  were  forming  at  their  head-quarters,  in  Fourteenth 
Street  and  Fifth  Avenue,  to  act  as  Guard  of  honor  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  during  the  ceremonies  of  the 


.   12 

day,  a  detail  was  appointed  to  proceed  to  the  Lincoln 
statue  and  j)resent  to  the  commander  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
Post  a  wreath  of  Howers  in  the  name  of  the  Old  Guard. 
The  detail,  headed  by  Colonel  Mix,  soon  made  its  appear- 
ance near  the  statue,  and  handed  to  Major  Forbes — as 
instructed  by  the  Guard — a  magnificent  wreath  which  was 
conspicuously  placed  ujjon  the  statue  amid  the  proper 
recognition  and  salute  of  the  Post. 

ABSENT  FROM   ROLL-CALL. 

The  chairman  then  asked,  "  Is  there  anv  comrade  of  this 
Post  whose  grave  cannot  be  decorated  to-day  «" 

Response  by  Post-Commander  Forbes  :  "Oscar  Tompkins, 
late  4th  N.  Y.  Cavalry,  Past  Commander  of  Post  13,  died  at 
Buenaventura,  U.  S.  Colombia,  while  in  the  discharge  of 
his  duty  as  IT.  S.  Consul;  and  in  behalf  of  this  Post  I  give 
this  tribute,  a  symbol  of  undying  love  for  our  late  comrade 
of  the  w^ar." 

The  commander  then  read  the  following  official  record  of 
the  proceedings  held  in  regard  to  the  late  Oscar  Tompkins 
at  the  State  Encampment,  held  in  Syracuse,  in  January, 
1882 : 

"Oscar  Tompkins,  an  ex-meniber  of  the  Department 
Council  of  Administration,  for  ten  years  a  member  of  this 
Encampment,  and  past  commander  of  Lincoln  Post  No.  13, 
died  at  his  post  of  duty,  as  United  States  Consul  at  Buena- 
ventura, in  August  last,  leaving  on  the  records  of  the  De- 
partment of  State  a  favorable  reputation  as  an  official,  a 
soldier  and  a  man.  His  last  work  for  the  Grand  Army  was 
performed  at  Bath,  for  which  he  obtained  a  short  leave  of 
absence  from  his  consular  duties.  In  view  of  his  energy  in 
promoting  the  objects  and  growth  of  the  Grand  Army  of 
the  Republic,  it  is  deemed  litting  to  place  this  minute  on 
the  journal  of  the  Encampment. 


76 

13 

In  advocating  its  adoption  Comiade  James  Tanner  paid  a 
flowing  tJ'ibiite  to  tlie  worth  and  cliararterof  the  deceased  ; 
and  by  a  rising  vote  the  minute  was  nnaiiiniously  direcred 
to  he  spread  on  tlie  record  of  the  session." 

The  Post  having  passed  in  review  before  tlie  Command«M- 
the  ceremonies  chased  and  tlie  comrades  formed  in  Four- 
teenth Street  on  their  way  to  take  their  place  in  line  of  the 
great  parade. 

DECORATION    OF    TIIK    MXCOLN    STATU  K. 

Abraham  LincobTs  statue  in  Union  Square  was  decorated 
in  the  most  elaborate  manner,  the  facsmille  of  the  great 
emancipator  being  left  severely  alone,  while  the  pedestal  was 
ornamented  in  the  most  elaborate  and  artistic  style,  which 
will  forever  tend  to  the  credit  of  George  W.  Wilson,  tlie 
florist,  who  himself  has  been  made  an  honorary  member 
of  the  Post.  The  side  of  the  pedestal  facing  Broadway, 
contained  at  the  top  of  tlie  shaft  a  solid  bed  of  flowers,  be- 
low the  side  of  the  shaft,  facing  Broadway  contained  a 
knapsack  of  ivy  and  blue  immortelles  with  the  words, 
•'Post  13."  A  green  festooning  surrounded  both  sides 
of  the  shaft  at  the  lower  end.  On  two  sides  at  the 
bottom  of  the  shaft  were  shields  containing  the  National 
colors  with  black  bands  and  the  words  :  "In  Memoriam." 
On  the  other  side  was  a  grand  star  with  the  word  in  semi- 
circle "The  Emancipator.*'  There  were  four  columns  of 
flowers  which  supported  the  bed  of  flowers  on  which  the 
statue  seemed  to  rest.  The  enclosure  contained  four  vases 
of  palms  and  other  plants,  giving  a  tropical  appearance 
to  the  decoration. 

The  entire  Press  of  New  York  and  suburbs  but  voiced 
the  sentiments  of  the  people  who  admired  the  beauty  and 
simplicity  of  the  decoration  of  this  statue,  which  was  con- 
sidered in  perfect  harmony  with  the  character  of  the  man 
and  martyr,  and  a])])ro])riate  to  the  day. 


LINCOLN  POST  AT  THE  GBAVEf^  OF  PATRIOTIC 

LADIES. 

Abraham  Lincoln  Post,  No.  18,  lias  for  years  made  it  a 
practice  not  to  ignore  the  valuable  services  rendered  during 
the  war  by  the  noble  women  of  our  land,  who  succored  the 
maimed,  nursed  the  sick,  and  tenderly  cared  for  the  orj)hans 
of  deceased  comrades. 

LINCOLN  POST  AT  GREENWOOD,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Edward  Yanderpoel, 

Wife  of  Dr.  Edward  Vanderpoel.  A  detail  of  the  Post 
decorated  the  grave  of  Mrs.  Vanderpoel  in  Greenwood 
Cemetery,  and  planted  there  a  flag  with  an  appropriate  in- 
scription. Mrs.  Yanderpoel  founded  the  Lexington  Avenue 
Hospital  for  wounded  soldiers  during  the  war,  and  received 
in  recognition  of  her  services  a  beautifully  engraved  cer- 
tificate, ordered  by  President  Lincoln,  and  signed  by 
Surgeon- General  Barnes.  This  lady  has,  daring  and  since 
the  war,  been  frequently  designated  as  the  Florence  Night- 
ingale of  New  York. 

LINCOLN  POST  AT  SYRACUSE,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Gen.  H.  A.  Barnum, 

Wife  of  Gen.  H.  A.  Barnum,  Chairman  of  the  Memorial 
Committee,  G.  A.  R.,  N.  Y.  City.  We  quote  from  the 
Syracuse  Courier  : 

A   BEAUTIFUL    TRIBUTE. 

The  Abraham  Lincoln  Post  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Rebublic  of  New  York  City,  sent  a  superb  wreath  of  tube 
roses  to  be  placed  upon  the  grave  of  the  late  Mrs.  General 
Barnum  in  Oakwood.  The  Horal  tribute  was  placed  upon 
Mrs.  Barnum' s  grave  by  relatives,  and  was  a  loving  remem- 
brance and  fitting  testimonial  from  kind  friends.  General 
Barnum  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  Decoration  Day 
exercises  in  New  York  City  yesterday. 


77 

15 

LINCOLN  POST  AT  CEDAR  LAWN  CEMETERY. 

Situated  on  the  l)anks  of  the  Passaic  River,  near  Paterson, 
N.  J.,  J()  miles  I'roni  New  York.  A  derail  of  the  Post  decorated 
the  f!:i'ave  of 

iMiis.   Saijaii   M.    FomJF.s. 

We  quote  from  the  l^aterson,  N.  J.,  Daily  Press^  of  Tuesday 
evening,  May  30  : 

*'The  detail  of  Abraham  Lincoln  Post,  No.  13,  G.  A.  R., 
arrived  in  Paterscm  yesterday  I'rom  New  Yoik  to  decorate  the 
^rave  of  Mrs.  tFoseph  Forbes,  a  lady  well-known  for  her  iKitriotic 
ende^avors.  She  at  all  times  was  foremost  in  (;hariiable  institu- 
tions, and  since  rhe  war  faihMl  not  to  visit  the  homes  of  veterans 
who  were  sufferini;-  from  wounds  or  disease.  Mrs.  Forbes  was 
tlie  wife  of  Jose])h  Forbes,  of  Abraham  Lincoln  Post,  No.  13. 
wlio  is  now  a  delegate  to  the  National  Encani])ment,  which  meets 
in  Baltimore  on  June  21.  The  detail  was  received  by  comrades 
and  was  escorted  to  the  cemetery.  There  they  placed  on  Mrs. 
Forbes' s  grave  a  beautiful  wreath  of  flowers,  accomi)anied  by  a 
national  ensign,  inscribed,  'Tribute  from  Abraham  Lincoln 
Post,  No.  13,^ G.  A.  R.,  to  Mrs.  Joseph  Forbes.'  " 

LINCOLN  POST  AT  THE  GRAVES  OF  THEIR  LATE 

COMRA  PES. 

Among  the  comrades  who  left  our  i-anks  duiing  the  ])ast  year 
at  the  call  of  death,  was 


'? 


Dk.  I.  1.  Hayes, 

who  is  buried  in  Chester,  Pa.,  whither  a  tribute  of  the  Post  was 
sent.  We  copy  from  the  Westchester,  Pa.,  'Republican  of 
May  31  : 

"Abraham  Lincoln  Post,  No.  13,  Department  of  New  York, 
G.  A.  R.,  S(Mit  as  a  Tribute  to  the  memory  of  \^\.  1.  I.  Hayes  a 
handsome  silk  Hag,  which  was  placed  u])()ii  his  grave  in  the 
Friends'  burial  giound  ncjii-  Oaklands.  Tliis  kindly  tribute 
U()\\\  tiie  New  York  friends  of  Dr.  Hayes  will  l)e  appreciated  by 


16 

his  friends  in  West  Chester.  His  grave  was  decorated  with  a 
handsome  white  wreath  and  strewn  with  beautiful  flowers. 
Post-commander  H.  C.  Reagan  received  the  following  letter  with 
the  flag : 

Comrade  H.  C.  Reagan^  Commander  of  McCall  Post,  No.  31, 

G.  A.  R.,  Dejyartment  of  Pennsylvania,   West  Chester,  Pa. 

Dp:ak  Sir  and  Comrade  : — We  have  sent  a  flag  to  mark  the 
grave  of  Comrade  I.  I.  Hayes,  the  Arctic  explorer,  and  a  surgeon 
in  the  late  war.  He  was  for  many  years  a  member  of  the  Legis- 
lature of  this  State  and  a  comrade  of  our  Post,  and  was  buried 
in  your  village. 

Yours  in  F.  C.  and  L. 

JOSEPH  FORBES,  Commander. 

LINCOLN  POST  AT  CYPRESS  HILL,  GREENWOOD,  LUTHERAN,  WOOD- 
LAWN,  NEW  YORK  BAY  AND  STATEN  ISLAND  CEMETERIES. 

Details  of  the  Post  were  also  sent  to  the  above  cemeteries  to 
decorate  the  graves  of 

William  Smith,  Theodore  Schortau, 

Bernhard  Brauer,  !  Gustav  Fambach, 

George  H.  Quin,  ;  John  Stengie, 

Peter  Sutor,  |  Henrv  C.  Clench, 

Lorenz  Feuerbach,  |  John  Haas, 

George  Kingsley, 

all  of  whom  have  left  behind  creditable  records  as  citizens, 
soldiers  and  comrades  of  the  Post. 

REUNION  AT  THE  KNICKERBOCKER  COTTAGE. 

At  the  close  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  day  the  Post  held  a  re- 
union at  Knickerbocker  Cottage  in  Sixth  avenue,  where,  after 
partaking  of  the  hospitalities  of  the  host.  Captain  William  Fow- 
ler, himself  a  veteran  of  the  war.  Commander  Forbes  rapped  to 
order.  Music  by  the  G.  A.  R.  Band,  and  Chaplain  Wolff  then 
uttered  thanks  to  Divine  Providence  for  permitting  this  Post  to 
perform,  though  with  ranks  thinned  by  death,  the  solemn  duties 


7^ 


17 

of  the  day.  The  Commander  then  called  upon  Comrade  Lehman 
Israels  to  address  the  Post,  which  he  did,  though  fati<j:Hed  by  the 
labors  of  the  many  weeks  wliich  he  as  Secretary  of  the  Memo- 
rial Committee  had  to  endure  in  prei)ariiig  the  details  of  this 
vast  celebration.  He  congratulated  the  Post  upon  its  piompt- 
ness  at  the  morning  observance  of  the  day,  upon  its  soldierly 
appearance  in  the  line  of  procession,  and  upon  the  honor  be- 
stowed by  the  presence  of  the  ex-President  of  the  United  States, 
who  though  requested  to  accompany  the  President  during  the 
celebration  of  the  day,  nevertheless  considered  it  his  duty  to 
pay  homage  to  Lincoln  and  the  Post  that  bore  his  honored  name. 
Comrades  C.  A.  Welles,  D.  E.  Gregory,  John  A.  Ruffner,  John 
H.  Tyson  and  Col.  Mix,  of  the  Old  Guard,  also  made  remarks, 
after  which  Commander  Forbes  introduced  the  oldest  son  of 
veteran  present,  Charles  H.  Israels,  who  was  honored  with  a  seat 
among  the  veterans.  The  Post,  after  pledging  renewed  fealty  to 
the  Order,  closed  the  proceedings  by  singing  Auld  Lang  Syne, 
and  then  participated  in  the  evening  ceremonies  at  the  Academy 

of  Music. 

COMMITTEE   OF   ARRANGEMENTS. 


Thomas  H.  Knight, 
D.  E.  Grkgory, 
J.  J.  Fouii, 
L.  Brown, 
Samuel  McCoy, 


John  F.  Connell, 
Joseph  Arnold, 
Joseph  O'Brien, 
DeWitt  R.  Myers, 
James  Gale, 


Isaac   C.  Tyson. 


CONTRIBUTORS. 

By  resolution  of  Abraham  Lincoln  Post,  No.  13,  the  thanks 
of  the  Post  are  hereby  tendered  to  the  following  citizens,  who 
contributed  flowers,  cash  and  other  necessary  articles  for  the 
use  of  the  Post  on  Decoration  Day. 


VVhitelaw  Reid, 

Janes  &  Kirtlaiid, 

American  District  Telegra}»h  Co., 


Hugh  O'Xeil, 
W.  Van  Tassel, 
Fred  Althof, 


^ 


18 


Delnionico's 

TiffaDy  &  Co., 

L.  M.  Bates, 

Theodore  B.  Starr, 

Mrs.  A.  T.  Stewart, 

Col.  William  A.  Pond, 

Bank  of  Metropiles, 

G.  P.  Putnam  Sons, 

Herring  &  Co., 

Lord  &  Tavlor, 

Arnold,  Constable  &  Co., 

Black,  Starr  &  Frost, 

Gorliani  Manufacturing  Co., 

Hotel  Brunswick, 

Mason  &  Hamlin, 

Domestic  Sewing  3Iachine  Co., 

Worthington  &  Smith, 

Degraaf  &  Taylor, 

Hoffman  House, 

Co-operative  Dress  Association, 

J.  M.  Biunswick  &  Balke  Co., 

A.  A  Vantine  &  Co., 

Miller  &  Co., 

Stein  way  &  Sons, 

A.  J.  Dam, 
Sheridan  Shook, 
Huyler's 

Clarendon  Hotel, 
Everett  House, 

B.  L.  Solomons'  Sons, 
Plympton  ct  Co., 
Col.  Thomas  Rafferty, 
Gillis  &  Geoghegan, 
A.  H.  Brummell, 

M.  Costello, 
Michael  Noonan, 


P.  Kehoe, 
J.  A.  Linlier, 
E.  S.  Spencer, 

E.  T.  Paxton, 

A.  L.  McDermott, 
W.  T.  Hoffmann, 

A.  B.  Dayton, 
Herbert  Stout, 

I.  H.  Lippencott, 
W.  H.  Sexton, 

B.  F.  Gatens, 
G.  A.  Fuller, 
Wm.  J.  Tailor, 
A.  P.  Chase  &  Co. 
Mat  Kane, 

P.  Dubreuil, 
Louis  Spinner, 
Peter  Doelger, 
Geo.  A.  Havuno^a, 
Mrs.  Theresa  Sutor, 
M.  Rock, 

Dr.  Joseph  Schnetter, 
Henrv  Franz, 
William  Stitz, 
L.  Arnheim, 
Theodore  Birdsall, 
David  Cochran, 
John  Jacobs, 
T.  M.  Lynch, 
G.  K.  Johnson, 
William  Richardson, 
Clarence  W.  Donnelly, 
William  H.  Cushing, 

F.  M.  Johnson, 
Jos.  L.  Hilton, 
Edward  Green, 


19 


79 


Chr.  Zubel, 
J.  A.  8ho})hard, 
JoliM  1).  Liiwson, 
Thos.  Willis, 
R.  Isaacs  &  Brother, 
Thos.  Eglinton, 
A.  P.  \^ollnu'r, 
John  F.  Young, 
F.  P.  Munlock, 
John  Anderson, 
J.  P.  Wright, 
M.  H.  Nugent, 
Jacob  Camnu'ver, 
AVilliani   F.   Malion, 


II.  <le  Koster, 

James  Connolly, 

Thos.  Ward. 

Jas.  B.  (ioggin,  Jr., 

F.  A.  O.  Scliwarz, 

Chas,  W.  Randall, 

N.  Y.  Sunday  Dispatch, 

N.  Kennedy, 

John  Doyle, 

M.  F.  Glynn, 

D.  D.  Byrne, 

Francisco  Barta, 

llirani  Truss. 


1-^ 

20 

ABRAHAM   LINCOLN   POST,   No.    13, 

DEPARTMENT  OF  NEW  YORK, 

GRAND  ARMY  OF  THE  REPUBLK 

HEADQUARTERS,  8  UNION  SQUARE, 

ENCAMPMENTS  FIRST  AND  THIRD  WEDNESDAYS  OF   EACH  MONT 
This  Organization  is  purely  Fraternal,  Charitable  and  Loyal, 


OFFICERS   OF  THE   POST. 


commander. 
JOSEPH    FORBES, 

165  Sixth  Avenue. 

senior  vice  commander.  junior  vice-commander. 

W.  S.  DUNBAR.  FRED  W.  SCHMIDT. 

chaplain.  surgeon. 

REV.  WILLIAM  WOLFF.  FREDERICK   GUYER. 

adjutant.  quartermaster. 

JOHN  A.  RUFFNER.  JOHN  H.  TYSON. 

OFFICER  OF  THE  DAY.  OFFICER  OF  THE  GUARD. 

JAMES  W.  FOSTER.  ANDREW  MOFFAT. 

SERGEANT-MAJOR.  Q.    M.    SARGEANT. 

E.  S.  VANDERPOEL.  WILLIAM  SCHIMPER. 

HISTORIAN.  ORGANIST. 

D.  E.  GREGORY.  EUGENE  SUBIT. 

ORATOR  OF  THE   POST. 

GENERAL   JOHN  COCHRANE. 

State  Encampment, 
delegate.  alternate. 

ANDREW  A.  SCHEIDLER.  LEHMAN  ISRAELS. 


INITIATION  FEE,  $5.00. 
Dues,  $4.00  per  year,  payaMe  quarterly  in  advance 


OBJECTS. 

"To  preserve   and   strengthen   those   kind  and  fraternal  feelings   which  b 
together  the  Soldiers,  Sailors  and  Marines  who  united  to  suppress  the   late 
bellion,  and  to  perpetuate  the  memory  and  history  of  the  dead. " 


OF 


Gen.  W.  W.  H.  Davis, 


AT     THE 


Lincoln  Monument,  Philadelphia. 


ON 


DECORATION  DAY,  MAY  30,  1883. 


-^ 


Address  : 


It  is  meet,  and  proper,  my  countrymon,  lliat  you 
lialt  at  the  loot  of  this  statue,  on  your  way  to  decorate 
the  graves  of  your  fallen  comrades.  On  such  occasion* 
a  new  inspiration  of  patriotism  and  devotion  to  duty 
seems  needed,  before  entering  upon  the  discharge  of 
that  solemn,  and  loving,  office ;  and  no  spot  is  better 
calculated  to  inspire  these  sentiments.  In  this  pres- 
ence patriotic  in)pulses  flow  out  as  freely  as  the  waters 
from  the  rock  in  Horeb.  Moreover,  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, as  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  armies  of  the 
Union,  was  the  tirst  soldier  of  the  Republic,  and  it  is 
fitting  that  he  receive  the  first  tribute  of  Howers  on 
Decoration  Day. 

A  group  of  statuary,  at  the  Paris  Expositi<m  of 
1878,  attracted  great  attention.  Tlie  objective  figure 
represented  him  who  stood  at  the  head  of  the  iron  in- 
dustry of  France,  a  man  who  challenged  the  es:eem  of 
all.  At  his  feet  were  two  sjualler  figures  ;  one  the 
wife  of  a  miner,  the  other  her  little  son.  The  moiher 
hehl  the  boy  with  one  hand,  and,  with  the  other, 
p;)inted  to  the  statue  above,  as  if  calling  the  attenti<  n 
of  the  chiM  to  the  life  and  work  of  the  original,  an<l 
begging  him  to  follow  his  example.  How  significant 
of  our  situation.  And  will  you  allow  me.  my  coun- 
trymen, to  call  your  attention  to  the  objective  figure  of 
this  group,  and  beg  you,  in  the  presence  of  tlie«e  wit- 
nesses, to  emulate  the  love  of  country,  the  courage,  the 


f<nixt:in«-v  ami  lorl)fai:in( f,  ami  tn  luhivaii'  llu-  ineriv 
aii<l  cliarity  of  liiiii  wlm  Itntk^  liowii  ii|hiii  you  tVuin 
tlif  lili'K-ss  iiu'tal  ■/ 

Al»raliam  Lincoln  i>«  ilie  most  uni<|iu'  iKTsonaj^e  in 
Anu'rican  history,  and  ont*  of  tlu*  ,i;n'atesi.  His  rliar- 
aftiT  is  lull  of  salii'nt  points.  If  time  woiihl  jK'rmit, 
and  tlio  occasi<m  justil'y,  it  would  Ix'  |)roHtal)U'  to  trace 
his  life,  irom  tiie  huiidde  Kentucky  eahin,u|i  thronj^h 
its  various  phases,  to  the  hij^hest  earthly  honor,  and 
then  to  his  martyr-^rave.  Few  j)id)lie  men  have 
traveU'(l  a  more  thorny  road  ;  tiiou^jh  hard,  it  proved 
a  >;olden  pathway  to  him  ;  adversity  was  necessary  to 
brin^  out  the  Jewels  in  his  character;  his  sorrows 
were  lilessings  in  disguise,  for  they  fitted  him  for  his 
«;reat  luture.  His  early  struggles  and  final  success  are 
Kii<nilicant  i-omments  on  the  }d:lorv  of  free  institutions, 
an<l  i»rove  every  achievement  to  lie  jxtssihln  under 
them.     The  lines  of  Pope, 

"  Honor  ami  ^illame  I'rom  no  condition  ri.^e, 
Act  well  your  part— there  all  ihe  honor  Hep," 

were  more  forcibly  exemplified  in  the  life  of  Abraham 
l/iiu'(»ln  than  in  any  other  public  man  in  America. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  fame  culminated  in  the  Presidential 
ofljce  ;  there  he  i^ained  imj>erishable  renown  and  a 
nuirtyr's  tjrave.  He  did  not  enter  upon  his  threat 
tru-it  imprepared  fur  its  duties.  He  had  alieady  taken 
rank  with  the  altlest  mei»  of  the  West  ;  he  had  had 
an  experience  of  thirty  years  at  the  bar  in  a  varied 
praciice;  and  had  held  a  seat  in  the  State,  and  Kederal, 
legislature.  He  had  studied,  with  profound  attention, 
the  structure  of  our  pivernmeut,  and  his  interpreta- 
tion was  accepted,  without  (|Ue>tion,  by  a  very  huye 
proportiiMi  of  the   American   people.      From  a    l«H*al 


-A 


leader  he  became,  by  force  o(  cliaracter.  ami  his  won- 
derful knowledge  of,  and  control  over,  men,  one  of  the 
greatest  political  chieftains  of  modern  times. 

Mr.  Lincoln  saw,  in  his  elevation  to  the  Presidency, 
but  another  step  toward  the  hilHllment  of  the  destiny 
he  believed,  at  times,  awaited  him.  Few  rulers  ever 
had  a  more  difficult  part  to  play  when  they  took  office  ; 
none  of  his  predecessors  had  problems  of  equal  mo- 
ment to  deal  with.  He  found  the  country  on  the  very 
threshold  of  revolution.  The  government  was  threat- 
ened with  overthrow  ;  and,  within  sixty  days,  a  civil 
war.  of  gigantic  proportions,  broke  out.  The  firing 
on  Sumter  was  the  gage  of  battle  thrown  down  by 
the  enemy,  and  the  Federal  government  was  not  in  a 
position  even  to  consider  the  propriety  of  taking  it  up. 
The  challenge  was  accepted  at  once  :  and  the  new  ad- 
ministration found  itself  engaged  in  a  conflict  of  arms 
before  fairly  w^arm  in  its  seat.  We  frecjuently  ask  our- 
selves the  question,  "could  not  the  war  have  been 
averted?"  Great  conflicts  can  always  be  averted  if 
one  party  or  the  other  will  give  up  their  convictions. 
There  would  not  have  been  any  American  Revolution 
had  our  fathers  submitted  to  the  unjust  demands  of  the 
English  king.  The  conflict ,  between  human  slavery 
and  freedom,  had  reached  such  a  point,  by  1861, 
that  any  other  settlement,  than  by  appeal  to  arms, 
seemed  out  of  the  question.  The  ordeal  of  war  is  al- 
ways terrible,  but  there  are  greater  evils.  The  dear- 
est of  human  rights  have  been  won  in  the  carnage  of 
battle,  and  freedom,  in  Cimrch  and  State,  received  its 
first  baptism  in  blood. 

During  the  conflict  the  Union  had  no  warmer  friend 
than  him  whose  hand  guided  the  ship  of  State.     U 


82 


there  were  one  nmn,  :il)ove  all  others,  anxious  to  pre- 
serve the  intet^rity  nl"  tiu'  Tnion,  and  to  brinf<  it  out  of 
the  eontiiet  unimpaired,  that  man  was  Mr.  Lincoln. 
He  entered  uiM)n  the  struirjjle  wilii  the  intt-nt  (»f  sav- 
inj;  the  I'nion  at  wliatevir  eost,  and  it  is  hardly  nec- 
essary to  remind  you,  my  comrades,  how  suecessfully 
it  wa.s  aeeontplisiied.  Mistakes,  and  «;reat  ones,  were 
to  i)e  expected,  hut,  in  the  lij?ht  of  the  past,  we  are 
astonishecl  thcv  were  so  few.  Those  who  stoo<l  closest 
to  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  the  darke.st  hours  of  the  war,  say 
that  his  weight  of  care  was  almost  too  nnich  for  man 
to  hear,  and  that  he  often  attempted  to  throw  it  off' by 
indul^in^  in  levity. 

The  only  great  politiial  question  of  the  war  was 
negro  slavery.  Like  Banquo's  ghost,  it  would  not 
down.  Having  been  the  cause  of  the  strife,  it  seemed 
impossible  to  put  it  out  of  sight  by  the  usual  meth- 
ods. It  recpiired  heroic  treatment.  When  Mr.  Lin- 
coln came  to  deal  with  it.  he  touched  the  most  mo- 
mentous cjuestion  of  the  century,  and  found  it  sur- 
rounded with  difficulties.  It  wa.s  not  our  own  crea- 
tion ;  it  was  forced  upon  our  fathers  by  their  British 
ancestors,  and,  when  the  colonies  Ijecame  free,  it  was 
left  behind  a  legacy  of  evil.  Its  recognition  waa  a 
condition  i)rei-edent  to  the  fi)rmation  of  the  Federal 
Union,  and  the  social  and  labor  systems  in  fifteen 
States  rested  upon  it.  To  remove  it  from  the  body 
politic,  and  save  the  life  of  the  country,  was  as  diffi- 
cult as  cutting  a  cancer  fr<>m  the  human  body  and 
saving  the  patient.  Slavery  had  long  been  a  reproach 
to  us.  A  government,  founded  on  the  sublime  tloetrine 
of  the  Declaration  of  !nde|>en<lence,  that  *'all  men  are 
created  etiual,"  and  as  underst(t<»<l  in  the  light  of  iucmI- 


-n 


ern  civilization,  could  not  jiffbrJ  to  ix^rpetuate  a  system 
which  gave  the  lie  to  our  political  in^^titutions  and 
most  cherished  traditions.  This  great  evil  confronted 
Mr.  Lincoln  at  the  most  critical  ])eriod  of  the  war. 
He  hesitated  at  first,  but  the  moment  he  was  satisfied 
slavery  was  an  obstacle  to  the  success  of  the  cause  of 
the  Union,  he  applied  the  knife.  The  Emancipation 
Proclamation  remove*!  the  only  thing  in  the  way  of 
our  becoming  a  homogmeous,  and  hapj)y,  people,  and 
immortalized  the  name  of  its  destrover. 


The  war  for  tlie  Union  was  noted  for  two  remarkable 
features:  the  mercy  of  the  victors  and  the  cheerful 
acquiescence  of  the  vanquised.  In  these  respects  his- 
tory does  not  record  its  equal.  It  was  the  only  great 
rebellion  put  down  by  the  strong  arm,  that  was  not 
followed  by  confiscations  and  penalties  and  blood-shed- 
ding. When  the  Confederate  flags  were  furled  at  Ap- 
pomattox, in  April,  I860,  the  war  was  over,  except  to 
a  few  politicians,  and  the  weapons  of  both  armies  were 
"  hung  up  as  bruised  monuments."  The  last  shot 
was  fired  in  actual  conflict.  After  that  not  a  drop  of 
blood  was  shed,  and  but  a  single  life  taken,  and  that 
for  cruelty  to  helpless  prisoners  This  tenderness,  for 
those  who  had  raised  their  hands  against  the  life  of 
the  Republic,  came  of  three  causes :  the  government 
waged  the  war  from  the  standpoint  of  the  nineteenth 
century  civilization ;  the  enemy  were  our  own  kith 
and  kin  with  whom  we  hoped  to  dwell  in  peace  in  fu- 
ture ;  but,  above  all,  because  the  great  heart  of  the 
Chief  Magistrate  was  deeply  imbued  with  the  quality 
of  that  mercy  that 

"  Droppeth  as  the  gentle  dew  from  Heaven 
Upon  the  place  beneath." 


o 


But  for  Mr.  Lincoln's  mild,  and  gentle,  nature  the 
war  \v«)ul(i  liave  been  nnu-h  more  sanguinary.  lie 
lVe(iuently  eheeked  extreme  measures,  and  at  times 
was  a  wall  of  adamant  hefore  liis  confidential  advisers. 
He  never  closed  his  vnr  to  an  appeal  for  mercy  ;  and 
many  owe  to  him  a  life  forfeited  to  the  rigors  of  war. 
He,  who  could  l«M)k  abroad  upon  the  bloody  conllict 
devastating  the  country,  and  proclaim  "  charity  for  all 
with  m:dice  toward  none,"  must  have  iK)sses.sed  a 
measure  of  justice  and  mercy  that  lifted  him  above 
the  plain  of  common  mortals.  May  his  gentle  spirit 
hover  over  the  country  as  a  guardian  angel,  and  may 
its  benign  intluence  cement  the  sections  in  fraternal 
love! 

In  l<»oking  back  upon  the  war,  a-s  it  has  passed  into 
history,  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  for  me  to  remark,  on 
this  occasion,  that  the  men  who  fonght  us  were  wor- 
thy foemen  ;  that  in  the  higher  (pialities  of  manhood 
they  were  our  equals,  and  that  the  time  will  come 
when  the  counige,  constancy  and  forbearance,  of  those 
who  fought  on  one  side  ;nid  the  other,  will  be  cher- 
ished as  a  common  inheritance. 

It  is  difficult  to  portray  the  character  of  Abraham 
Lincoln.  Although  nature  denie  1  him  the  grace  of 
person  she  confers  upon  most  men,  he  had  his  com- 
pensation in  (jualities  of  head  and  heart  rarely  etjual- 
ed.  He  wa.s  given  a  keen,  and  subtle,  intellect,  and  his 
common  sense  was  wonderful — almost  amounting  to 
prescience.  Without  posse.ssingseln)larly  attainments, 
he  was  well-read  on  most  ^ubjects,  and  his  strong 
memory  retained  his  gathered  knowledge.  His  pub- 
lic a  lilres-;es  were  models  of  pure  ICnglish  and  un- 
nilorned   ehxjuence.       Among    these    pro(hiclions  his 


-A 


& 


sjpeeeh,  at  the  laying  of  tlie  corner-stone  of  the  Gettys- 
burg monument,  i«  the  most  noted.  The  Lon'lon 
H'lne-H  said  of  it,  at  the  time,  there  w:us  only  one  speech 
known  in  hi>*tory  that  can  compare  with  it,  the  ora- 
tion of  Thucydides,  of  Alheas,  ibr  the  Athenian  tlead 
of  the  Peloponesian  war,  and  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  had 
the  advantage  over  that  in  being  more  natural,  and 
better  voiiehed  for  as  a  matter  of  imdoubted  occur- 
rence. 

His  sense  of  ju4iee  was  remarkable.  He  was  never 
known  to  fail  to  succor  the  weak  and  afHicted,  an  I  lie 
i)oldly  espoused  the  side  of  the  oppressed  regardle-H 
of  consequences.  It  is  doubtful  if  the  country  ever 
had  another  public  man  who  so  thoroughly  hated 
wrong  and  injustice.  Integrity  of  character  was  one 
of  his  marked  characteristics.  Judge  Dtivis,  his  inti- 
mate friend,  says  the  framework  of  his  mental,  and 
moral,  being  was  honesty.  He  was  a  man  of  wonder- 
ful humanity  and  great  depth  ot  ieeling.  On  one  oc- 
casion he  attempted  to  deliver  tlie  luneral  oration  over 
the  body  of  a  beloved  iriend,  but  he  broke  down  an! 
could  not  proceed.  His  stejvmother,  who  mourned 
him  as  one  of  her  own,  said,  after  his  death,  "  Abe 
was  the  best  )joy  I  ever  saw."  One  phase  of  Air. 
Lincoln's  character  is  inexpressibly  sad,  the  deep 
gloom  and  depression  that  never  left  him.  He  was 
sometimes  the  gaye-^t  when  the  saddest,  and  not  infre- 
quently the  joke  and  jest  were  the  onlv  silver  lining 
to  the  cloud.  He  once  said  to  a  friend,  that  although 
he  appeared  to  enjoy  life  rapturously,  it  was  a  mis- 
take. He  often  sought  consolation  by  repeating  por- 
tions of  a  poem,  entitled  "  Immortality,"  by  an  un- 
known autlior,  beginning, 

"  Oh  !  why  shouUl  the  .spirit  of  mortal  be  proud?" 


and  he  has  been  known  to  turn  aside  from  wei^jhty 
aHJiirs  of  State  to  (jimte  his  favorite  stanzas  to  a  visitor. 
After  a  carefnl  estimate  of  the  character  of  Mr.  Lin- 
cohi,  I  am  justified  in  repeatinj?  the  words  of  the  En>?- 
lish  poet,  Decker,  as  applicable  to  him  : — 

"  'I'he  best  of  uien 
That  e'er  wore  eartli  Hl>uiit  him, 
A  soft,  meek,  humMe,  patient,  tranquil  spirit." 

We  pass,  in  silence,  the  tragic  end  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
The  fatal  shot,  on  that  April  evening,  sent  a  thrill  of 
horror  through  the  world  hardly  eipialed  since  the 
cruel  deed  on  Calvary.  The  night  Hernando  Corlez 
was  driven  from  the  Aztec  capital,  has  come  down  in 
Sjmnish  history  as  Noche  Triste,  the  sad  night,  and  for 
like  rea.son  will  the  night  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  assassina- 
tion be  the  Noche  Tr j.?/e  of  American  history. 

If  "the  blood  of  the  martyr  is  the  seed  of  the 
Church,"  Die  lessons,  faiij^hl  by  the  life  an<l  iinaih  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  will  bf,  ot  inestimable  value. 
What  an  example  to  him  whose  life  is  a  life  of  toil ! 
His  long  struggle  sanctified  labor  ;  and  paid  a  tribute 
to  self-denial  more  pronounced  than  by  any  other 
public  man  of  his  geueia'ion.  Many  will  succeed, 
in  future,  who  would  have  failed  without,  bis  ex- 
ample. The  Duke  of  Ormond,  on  the  occasion  of 
the  death  of  his  gallant  son,  the  Earl  of  Ossory,  said 
he  would  not  exchange  his  dead  son  for  any  living 
son  in  Christendom.  The  Kepublic  holds  in  the  same 
estimation  the  life  and  memory  of  her  martyred 
Prnsident.  80  long  as  the  lessons  ot  Mr.  Lincoln 
shall  be  ivmembered,  "a  government  of  the  people, 
by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  shall  not  perish 
fiom  the  earth." 


-n 


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Every  nation  has  its  Mecca,  wliiiher^the  people 
make  pilgrimage  to  draw  new  i\ispiraiions.  France 
stands  uncovered  around  the  tomb  of  the  great  Na- 
poleon in  the  crypt  of  the  Invalids;  tlie  Kusiian 
bends  his  steps  to  the  mausoleum  of  Peter  the  Grear, 
where  he  recalls  the  wondeiful  career  of  the  great 
Muscovite;  while  the  Englishman  contemplates,  in 
silent  awe,  the  monuments  erected  to  the  great  and 
good  in  Westminster  Abb?y.  But  America,  more 
fortunate  than  these,  has  two  Meccas  to  which  her 
sons  resort  ;  one,  on  the  hanks  of  the  beautiful  Pi>- 
tomac,  where  sleeps  the  Father  of  his  Country  ;  the 
other  on  the  great  prairies  of  the  West,  where  lest 
all  that  is  mortal  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  who  died 
that  the  Union  might  live.  These  Meccas  will  have 
their  pilgrims  while  the  Republic  survives,  or  history 
ecounta  the  deeds  of  the  great. 

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